Thus Religion Grows The Story Of Judaism

THUS RELIGION GROWS

THUS RELIGION GROWS

THE STORY OF JUDAISM

MORRIS GOLDSTEIN

RABBI

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.

NEW YORK TORONTO
1936

GOLDSTEIN
THUS RELIGION GROWS

COPYRIGHT 1956
BY MORRIS GOLDSTEIN

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THE
RIGHT TO REPRODUCE THIS BOOK, OR
ANY PORTION THEREOF, IN ANY FORM

FIRST EDITION

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

To

ISRAEL
BROTHER AND COLLEAGUE

How does religion come to be what it is ?

Let us follow the story of one particular religion,
Judaism, whose span of activity reaches from remote
antiquity to the present day and we shall see.

PREFACE

A PATTERN in gold is boldly woven into the history of the
Jew. It gives quality and character to the record of the Jew ;
it is his distinctiveness, his glory, his raison d'etre. This pat-
tern in gold is the religion of the Jew.

Is it not amazing, then, to discover that there has not yet
appeared in English a continuous account, in a single volume,
of the growth of the Jewish religion from its very origin to
the present day ? There are, to be sure, histories of Jewish
literature, of Jewish music, of Jewish philanthropy, of the
Jewish people and in all these histories religion necessarily
occupies the most important position but there is still lack-
ing a history of the religion itself, of the process of religious
growth, such as is reflected in the literature and demonstrated
in the life of the people.

Perhaps the closest approach to this objective is to be found
in George Foot Moore's "History of Religions," but there,
unfortunately, the necessity of describing several religions
confines the treatment of Judaism to but an outline. Abra-
ham Geiger's scholarly "Judaism and Its History," written in
1864 (originally in German), is a series of individual lectures
which conclude with the close of the Middle Ages. True,
particular periods or phases of Judaism the Religion of An-
cient Israel, for example, or Hellenistic Judaism or Rabbinic
Judaism or Reform Judaism have been admirably dealt with
in separate studies. The need is urgent, however, historically
to survey the entire course of Judaism and thus to present a
unified picture of the gradual unfolding and shaping of the
Jewish religion.

It is unfair to judge Judaism by any one phase of its develop-
ment. Religion is dynamic. It grows, along with man's
growth. One historic religion differs from a second historic
religion because of its different history, and although both

vii

viii THUS RELIGION GROWS

may seek similar values and both may arrive at similar truths
yet each bears the stamp, the momentum and the inspiring
appeal, of its own history, and the subtle shades of meaning
resultant therefrom.

In "What We Jews Believe" (p. 32), Samuel S. Cohon has
suggested an apt analogy. "Suppose we were asked to dis-
tinguish the Hudson from the Mississippi. Would it be
enough to point to the water which both of them contain ?
Or would it suffice to subject a quantity of water from each
river to a chemical analysis for the discovery of their con-
stituent properties ? The chemist would find hydrogen and
oxygen in both, and he would probably find some other
elements besides. The water of one river may appear mud-
dier than the water of another river, and consequently less
pleasant to taste. Whatever the results of the test this pro-
cedure will hardly convey to us any idea whatsoever of either
the Hudson or the Mississippi. To gain a proper picture of
either river, we have to learn something about its sources,
about the length, width, and depth of its current, about the
countries which it traverses and about the various uses to
which it is put."

It is the experience of several years' pioneer work in Eng-
landin organizing into a Jewish congregation many who,
because they could find no adequate modern expression of
their religion, had become estranged from their heritage, and
many who challenged entirely the validity of religion which
has impressed me with the urgent need for a clear and unin-
volved narration of how religion grows, of how the religion
of the Jew has evolved. To unfold the story of Judaism, in
the light of cause and effect, is a colossal venture. Yet, a
start must be made, rather sooner than later. There is the
consolation and there is the challenge of Rabbi Tarphon
(Talmud : Abot 2:21): "It is not incumbent upon thee to
finish the work ; neither art thou free to desist from it."

Inasmuch as this story is written for the general reader, the
pages have not been burdened with footnotes. The recog-
nized authorities of the particular periods have been studied
and wherever necessary the original sources have been con-

PREFACE ix

suited. In the transliteration of Hebrew names and words
(subject to much variation) the system of the Jewish Ency-
clopedia has been followed, with few deliberate exceptions.

The reader who desires greater detail of any one phase of
Judaism will find a selected bibliography appended.

A special word of indebtedness must be expressed to Presi-
dent Julian Morgenstern for training in the method of Bible
analysis, to Professor Jacob Mann for his important correc-
tions of the prejudices and errors in Graetz's basic History of
the Jews and to Professor Samuel S. Cohon for theological
distinctions in the studies at the Hebrew Union College ; to
Professor Mordecai M. Kaplan for specific suggestions ; to
Dr. Claude G. Montefiore for the values derived from per-
sonal contacts and conversations when this volume was first
contemplated. Difficult to express is the extent of my appre-
ciation to Adeline, my wife, for her untiring assistance, sound
advice and steady encouragement.

The dominant desire throughout is to be as objective and
non-partisan as is humanly possible in a book on religion, to be
neither polemical nor apologetic. To adhere to the original
aim of continuity and clarity, any digression into the battles
of scholars over points of dispute is purposely avoided. The
concern above all is to trace the main pattern of Judaism.

MORRIS GOLDSTEIN

San Francisco,

CONTENTS

IHAPTER PAGB

I. How A RELIGION is BORN BIBLICAL JUDAISM . i

1. Man's Ascent to God i

2. Pre-Israelite Background 5

3. The Bible Begins to Speak, but its Story is

Challenged 8

4. The Desert Debut 12

5. The Exodus Really a Genesis .... 13

6. Moses, Miracles, Yahweh 15

7. Israel Covenanted to Yahweh .... 16

8. New Foundations for the Religion of Israel 19

9. Joshua Confirms Yahweh's Power ... 22

10. Israel's Religion Turns Agricultural . 24

11. Yahwism versus Baalism, and their Proph-

etic Contestants 27

12. Giants of the Soul 33

13. History, the Laboratory of Religion . . 40

14. A Second Exodus and Again a Genesis . . 46

15. The Persian Influence Permeates ... 53

1 6. On Intermarriage 57

17. The Writing of the Torah 59

1 8. Putting a Moral into History .... 64

19. Each Poem a Prayer 67

20. Wisdom Literature, and Religion's Deepest

Problem 71

21. Judaism versus Hellenism 75

22. The Scribes Champion Judaism ... 81

23. The Issue Drawn: Hasidim and Maccabees

Battle Hellenism 84

24. Judaism Emerges Purged 90

25. The Bible Completed 92

xii THUS RELIGION GROWS

PAGK

26. Religion of the Bible 95

II. How A RELIGION LIVES ON RABBINIC JUDAISM . 102

1. The Oral Chain of Tradition . . . . 102

2. When Religion Stops Growing . ... 105

3. Who Were the Pharisees? How Did

They Keep the Religion Democratic? . 107

4. Hillel and Shammai 115

5. The Messiah, the Saviour! 118

6. Did He Come? 122

7. Christianity Came 126

8. Judaism Clothed in Alexandrian Philosophy 128

9. Judaism Survives the Final Destruction of

Temple and Nation 132

10. Rabbi Akiba and the Tragic Bar Kokeba

Revolt 139

11. Proselytes and Converts 142

12. After Defeat, Consolidation 146

13. The Result: the Mishnah and the Midrash 150

14. Jews Everywhere Adhere to the Norm . 154

15. Crisis Again Crystallizes Judaism . . . 159

1 6. The Babylonian Talmud 164

17. How Judaism Helped Mohammed Formu-

late his Religion 170

1 8. Through Questions and Answers Judaism

Flourishes 175

19. Payyetanic Poetry 177

20. The First Threat to Rabbinic Judaism :

Rise of Karaism 1 80

21. Rationalism Defeats Karaism and Enters

Judaism 187

22. Decline in Babylonia and Revival in Spain . 193

23. When Grammar Decided Religious Issues . 196

24. The Broadening of Religious Scholarship . 202

25. The Greatest Jewish Teacher of the Middle

Ages 210

26. Protest Against Rationalism in Religion:

Legalism 216

CONTENTS xiii

CHAPTER PAGE

27. Protest Against Rationalism in Religion:

Mysticism 220

28. The Talmud a Refuge in Time of Trouble 225

29. Renaissance Critics of Official Judaism . 230

30. The Accepted Code of Orthodoxy . . . 237

31. Messianic Mirage in a Stagnant Ghetto . 239

32. Rabbinic Judaism Endures 247

33. Its Strength 249

III. How A RELIGION FACES THE FUTURE CONTEM-
PORARY JUDAISM 262

1. The Hedge and the Gate 262

2. Within the Hedge: Hasidim and Mitnag-

gedim 263

3. An Attack Upon the Gates 269

4. Vaulting over the Gates 274

5. Opening of the Ghetto Gates . . . . 281

6. Adapting Judaism to the Modern World . 292

7. Scene of Action Shifts to America . . . 300

8. Reform Judaism 306

9. Spiritual Rebirth in Zionism 310

10. Judaism Reconstructed as a Civilization . 319

11. Challenge of the Present 320

12. Programs for the Religion of the Jew . 324

13. What of the Future ? 330

BIBLIOGRAPHY 335

INDEX 343

THUS RELIGION GROWS
THE STORY OF JUDAISM

CHAPTER I

HOW A RELIGION IS BORN
[BIBLICAL JUDAISM]

I. MAN'S ASCENT TO GOD

How interesting it would be to discover what thoughts arose
in the mind of man when he first emerged into life as a human
being ! Into a world of confusion was he placed, a world of
contradictions, a world of good and bad, a world of beauty
and ugliness, a topsy-turvy world, a world which whirled.
How did waking man begin to make sense of the gigantic
puzzle which surrounded him? Eager though we are to
know, it is unlikely that we shall ever learn the inner struggles
and complexities which accompanied the dawn of his intelli-
gence. Prehistoric man buried his weapons and tools, which
we may unearth and study. But he could not deposit his
thoughts for the benefit of succeeding generations. These
we must imagine and reconstruct along the lines indicated by
the earliest records we possess and by the life of primitive
communities still extant.

At first, man's mind was probably a confusion of un-
analyzed sensations. He could not understand the forces of
nature. That he should understand them and convert them
to his use, his very existence demanded. His desire to com-
prehend the world about him and to enter into a satisfactory
relationship with it was the keenest desire he felt as keen as
the desire to keep alive. This desire was his religion.

Religion, primarily, is the heroic and frequently pathetic
effort of man to adjust himself to the world. The desire for
adjustment is prompted by an organic urge to survive, and
religion, to this extent, is innate. Wherever there is religion
there is the same aim, expressed in two ways. Ofttimes it

2 THUS RELIGION GROWS

seeks to transform man to fit the world, as when religion
teaches submission to and a merging with the forces of the
universe. Oftrimes it seeks to transform the world to fit the
requirements of man, as when religion teaches the power of
man to create a new and better order. In these contrasting
efforts, religion may succeed or it may fail, but the aim is the
same adjustment.

Which one of his many primitive experiences impressed
early man most strongly, to give specific form to his religious
response, cannot be stated with any degree of certainty. It
may be that an overwhelming fear clutched at his heart, a fear
that nature was conspiring to engulf him : such an impression
would lead him to attribute to objects of nature a life similar
to his own, with personal motives for acting as they did ; if
he stubbed his toe against a rock, for example, the cause of
his pain was not his own clumsiness but rather the mischief of
the rock, the caprice or the grudge of the rock. It may be
also that dreams in which the dead lived again and in which
ordinary persons or objects displayed extraordinary powers
it may be that such dreams impressed him with the presence
of a world of persons and powers beyond that which is visible,
but which directly affects the visible realm. Most likely,
both of these, the world of mystifying dreams and the world
of harsh nature together with other influences too com-
bined to create the earliest ideas of gods or spiritual powers.
This we do know for a certainty : in his struggle to adjust
himself to his environment that he might continue to exist,
primitive man, from the very beginning, realized that he must
cope with the supernatural as well as the natural.

To us, who live thousands of years later, his understanding
of the supernatural seems crude, extremely crude. And the
means which early man employed to convert the spiritual
powers to his benefit seem equally crude. He thought that
by clever devices he could force the powers to do what he
wanted, or that he could bribe or cajole or persuade or
flatter them. This was not the only expression of the primi-
tive man's religion. His religion, let us remember, was his
desire for adjustment to the world. This religion, this desire,

MAN'S ASCENT TO GOD 3

found a partial expression in the simple tools and implements
of stone which necessity taught him to construct for the con-
quest of nature even as the same necessity taught him to con-
struct a ritual wherewith to win the help of spirits and gods.
Both were requisite. Both were devices to meet the demands
of the environment. One supplemented the other. Without
the aid of the gods, the tools would fail ; without the tools, the
gods could not aid. The desire for an improved adjustment
the religion required both.

The stone tools and implements of primitive man have
traveled a tremendous distance by the time we reach the twen-
tieth century of modern life. They have undergone a huge
transformation. They have grown into whirring wheels of
endless factories and these factories now create a world more
fantastic than that of which early man dreamed. The other
expression of primitive man's religion his thought of spiritual
powers and their use has also moved forward. It too has
undergone a huge transformation. It is no longer instructed
by fear or dreams (no longer, that is, among those who live
in the twentieth century in spiritual thought as well as in
physical activity) ; it no longer seeks to cajole or bribe the
gods. The religion of today has the potency to create a
world of beauty and goodness and grandeur which would
exceed the highest hope of primitive man.

But it was only slowly, haltingly, that man came to
know more accurately and less crudely the meaning of God
and religion. It could not be otherwise. Man was a new-
comer. Who was there to teach him? Only the pressure
of his environment and the genius of his being. Experience.
Trial and error. And failure more frequently than success.

The limit of his capacity to advance and to understand
set a limit to man's comprehension of the nature of God and
the nature of worship. Then, when the utmost limit seemed
to have been reached, the pressure of circumstance brought
to the genius of his being a new awakening and a new grasp
of meaning. The impossible, necessity made possible. This
has happened time and time again. That new grasp of mean-
ing we are accustomed to call inspiration ; or when viewed

4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

as arising from influences greater than man we have learned
to call it revelation ; both are the same, the difference being
in the point of view.

So, through the ages, man's understanding of religion has
become clearer and truer. Even as with greater knowledge
man was transforming the pseudo-science of alchemy into the
true science of chemistry, the pseudo-science of magic-healing
into the true science of medicine, and the pseudo-science of
astrology into the true science of astronomy, so with greater
knowledge and experience man has transformed the pseudo-
religion of fear into the true religion of the One God.

To be sure, God, as He really is, has not changed at all.
It is just that the ideas about God have changed and that
His real nature has been more accurately discovered, with
man's own increasing maturity. And who knows how much
more we are still to mature, even now, before we gain a
complete comprehension of the real God?

Seeing what tremendous strides man has taken in his un-
wearying ascent to God, seeing how radically religion has
departed from its earliest origins, it becomes immediately
evident that to attempt to gain a fair estimate of any historic
religion without some knowledge of its unfolding, its evolution
and its historic growth, would be altogether inadequate. It
might result in a distorted impression wherein the crudities
of one age would mingle in jumbled equality with the re-
finements of a subsequent and superior age. The valuable
knowledge in the scope of spiritual experience is the knowl-
edge of the causative factors, molding and changing, selecting
and improving, those beliefs and convictions which are so
vital to mankind. Once it was discovered that two plus two
equal four, that was the end of it. But the discovery of God
never rested. Every possible angle, every possible amplifica-
tion, every possible application, had to be explored.

Religions all seek to know God and man's relation to God.
More than one group, for example, teaches the unity of God.
But what gives to each faith its distinctiveness, its unique
appeal, and its reason for individual survival, is the historic

PRE-ISRAELITE BACKGROUND 5

background which leaves a residue of its own subtle distinc-
tions and its own persuasive powers. Historic religions,
while agreeing in purpose, yet differ because of their respec-
tive histories. In the very fibre and texture of the Jew
whose religion we are to investigate is the consciousness of
a historic continuity, that he belongs to the most recent
episode in a romantic story.

2. PRE-ISRAELITE BACKGROUND

IN remote antiquity, the ancestors of ancient Israel were an
indistinguishable part of a larger group whom we have learned
to call Semites. We call them Semites because the closely
related languages these people spoke are known as Semitic
languages ; therefore it is thought, though it cannot be proven,
that all these people belong to a Semitic stock.

The original home of the Semitic-speaking group is a matter
of conjecture. They may have come from Central Asia, at
various periods migrating into the heart of Arabia. That
precedes the dawn of history; hence we cannot be certain
of our theories. We do know that for a long time after the
dawn of history these Semites wandered about in the waste-
lands of the Arabian peninsula and that subsequently they
edged up into the less arid lands of northern Arabia.

The religion of these Semites was as elementary as that
which we trace in most primitive groups. We call it Animism
or Animatism, in the crudest stage. Anything, even a stone,
which could affect their lives in any way was thought to be
animated by a life and will a spirit similar to their own.
These spirits could harm or they could help. Therefore they
were worshipped, that they should help, and not harm. To
us, all this may seem childish. But we must remember that
the age of which we speak was the childhood of mankind.

There is no conclusive proof to link the ancestors of the
ancient Israelites to Animism, excepting this, that inasmuch as
they were a part of the Semites it must be assumed that their
religion was that of the Semites. Scholars who have gone

6 THUS RELIGION GROWS

into this matter claim that they can find in the Bible echoes
or remnants of the earlier animistic beliefs. Let us examine
a few instances.

To a people living about the desert, water especially run-
ning water is of great importance for the sustenance of life.
Hence, with regard to the Semites, a reliable investigator ( W.
Robertson Smith, in "Religion of the Semites," p. 1 7 3 ) * writes :
"The one general principle which runs through all the varieties
of the legends, and which also lies at the basis of the ritual,
is that the sacred waters are instinct with divine life and
energy." The same writer mentions that in Palestine, to this
day, all springs are viewed as the abodes of spirits, and the
peasant women ask their permission before drawing water.
As an echo in the Bible of this form of Animism, attention is
called to the names in Genesis 14:7. Here the place Kadesh
(which means "sanctuary") is also called En-Mishpat (which
means "the fount of decision"); hence the theory that the
fount may have been a sanctuary at one time. And from the
fact that Beer-Sheba, "the Well of Seven" (or "the Seven
Wells"), became a sanctuary for the Israelites some seek to
deduce that it was held sacred in the first instance through
the animistic belief in sacred waters.

Trees, too, were thought to have spirits capable of pro-
ducing life and energy. Especially evergreen trees: they
seemed never to die. In the manner of worship, pledged
gifts were hung on these trees, with accompanying prayers.
Some students think the sentence in Genesis (21 : 33), "And
Abraham planted a tamarisk tree in Beer-Sheba, and called
there on the name of the Lord, the Everlasting God," is a
reminiscence of the earlier worship of trees. The reference to
the burning bush (Dt. 33 : 16), "Him that dwelt in the bush,"
is likewise quoted in this connection. According to the ani-
mistic belief, the rustling of the leaves revealed the presence
of the spirit in the tree. The manner of the rustle was care-
fully studied and interpreted as an oracular decision. Of this,
too, scholars find a remnant in the Bible (in n Samuel 5:23,
24). David inquires of the Lord whether he should go to

* By permission of The Macmillan Co., publishers.

PRE-ISRAELITE BACKGROUND 7

battle the Philistines ; he is answered, "And let it be, when
thou hearest the sound of a going in the tops of the mulberry
trees, that then thou shalt bestir thyself: for then shall the
Lord go out before thee, to smite the host of the Philistines."

The Animism of the Semites involved also sacred stones
and sacred rocks and sacred mountains. Eben-ezer is men-
tioned in the Bible several times : it means "a stone of help"
is there any particular significance in that? The fact that
Jacob has a unique dream while sleeping on some stones at
Bethel, and the fact that he erects one stone for a pillar and
pours oil upon the top of it, has given rise to the theory that
behind the incident described is a local tradition which held
those stones sacred. Also, Gibeah is called the "hill of God" ;
presumably this is an echo of Animism. Again, why should
Elijah carry out the great test between Yahweh and Baal on
none other than Mount Carmel, if not because this mountain
had already gained an earlier reputation for sanctity ?

Are not these sufficient evidences to prove Israelitish Anim-
ism? . . . Perhaps. There is a likelihood of Animism in
the religious ancestry of early Israel, although to employ the
non-committal verdict of the Scotch courts the case is "not
proven."

Another primary phase in the evolution of religion is known
as Totemism. According to totemistic belief, those of a
particular clan or tribe imagine that they are descended from
some animal, or even a plant, which tie of kinship unites
the members of the tribe. These animals therefore come to
be venerated. By taboo they are declared sacred : one may
not touch them, let alone eat them. Whether the ancestors
of the Israelites went through the totemistic stage of religion
is open to dispute. There are indications in the Bible of some
relation between the names of animals and the names of tribes.
In the Hebrew language, Simeon means a hyena ; Deborah, a
bee ; Rachel, a ewe ; Caleb, a dog ; and so on. Moreover, is
the prohibition with regard to using for food the meat of
specified animals much of which, in fact, one would ordi-
narily never think of eating traceable to a totemistic taboo ?
Is the Second Commandment, the command not to worship

8 THUS RELIGION GROWS

anything or to make a likeness of anything that is in heaven
above or that is in the earth beneath or that is in the water
under the earth, is this a protest against an earlier Totemism ?
. . . Possibly.

Hero- Ancestor-worship is the stage above Totemism in the
evolution of religions. Remote departed heroes grow in im-
portance until they become objects of worship. Of Ancestor-
worship there are precious few traces among these Semites.
One possible clue is in the use of the word Gad as a divine
name (Isaiah 65 : n); elsewhere, Gad is the name of one of
Jacob's sons and of one of the tribes of Israel and by this
slender thread hangs the theory that the ancestor Gad has
some relevant connection with the divinity Gad. In addition,
it is observed that the grave of Sarah is held sacred, and when
a grave becomes a sanctuary there is presumably reason to
suspect Ancestor-worship. Finally, some of the mourning
customs unearthed by archaeologists might be interpreted as
pointing in the same direction. Add together all the evi-
dence and even then it is too scanty to build up as much as
an argument.

A further stage in the development of religion we call
Polytheism. There are still many gods, gods whose worship
and actions have no essential connection with morality, but in
Polytheism the gods and goddesses possess distinct names and
separate individualities and special faculties and they fre-
quently assume exaggerated human and animal forms. This is
the sort of religion which immediately preceded, and accom-
panied, the historic appearance of the Israelites. This is the
sort of religion the Israelites fought against and ultimately
lifted to a loftier level. We shall have many encounters with
Polytheism as we continue the tale of Israel's phenomenal dis-
covery of new, and ever newer, meanings in the religious
experience.

3. THE BIBLE BEGINS TO SPEAK, BUT ITS STORY
IS CHALLENGED

AT what point, then, do the Israelites first appear in history ?
According to the Bible tradition, Abraham is the father

THE BIBLE BEGINS TO SPEAK 9

of the Israelites. To Abraham is revealed the folly of wor-
shipping crude gods and idols. He is "called" to the worship
of Yahweh. At the beginning of the second millennium
B.C.E. (Before the Common Era), Abraham feels impelled by
a divine voice to take his immediate family and household, to
migrate from Ur, which is in Southern Mesopotamia, to the
Promised Land of Canaan. Here in Canaan, Abraham and
his family are known as Hebrews, descendants of Eber.
They are as strangers in the land. Particularly repelled are
they by the degenerate Polytheism of Canaan and its abomi-
nable forms of worship. Throughout, they remain loyal to
Yahweh, their God, and guide. They wander about with
their flocks and herds. In times of famine they come to
Egypt for food. Upon Abraham's death, his son Isaac leads
the Hebrews in their continued allegiance to Yahweh.
Isaac's son Jacob, who is later called Israel, becomes the
third Patriarch of the Hebrews. His progeny are the Chil-
dren of Israel. Joseph, one of his twelve sons, is sold into
Egypt, where he ultimately rises to prominence and during
a severe famine brings his father and brothers and their fami-
lies to Egypt, to settle in Goshen on the eastern delta. A
period of oppression under the Pharaoh of Egypt ensues.
And now Moses is born. In the wilderness, in the midst of
a phenomenal demonstration the bush which burns but is
not consumed Yahweh reveals Himself as the Saviour of
the Israelites. Thus inspired, Moses miraculously leads the
Children of Israel out of Egypt, to the Mountain of God.
Here Yahweh again reveals Himself; here Israel is elected
a holy nation; here Moses establishes the religion of Israel.

This Bible tradition of the beginnings of Israel and of the
religion of Israel has been the accepted and virtually unani-
mous belief of Jewry until recent times. It has served as
authority, inspiration and stimulus for the religious life of the
Jew. And in our day many Jews still accept this tradition
in good faith.

Since the eighteenth century, however, scholars both Jew-
ish and non-Jewish have been led to analyze the Bible along
the lines of historical criticism. Through careful study, they

io THUS RELIGION GROWS

have discovered numerous discrepancies in thought and chro-
nology and style ; they have detected overlappmgs and con-
tradictions of recorded facts; they have become aware of
literary and textual difficulties; in the style of the Hebrew
of one section of the Bible when compared with another not
many lines removed they have discerned differences as great
as the differences between the English of Chaucer and that
of George Bernard Shaw and equally great differences in
thought and outlook too. Bible scholars have therefore con-
cluded that the Bible is a composite production representing
the growth of centuries and the contributions of countless
authors, comprising a combination of myth, legend, oral tra-
dition, prophecy, poetry, song, philosophy, law, drama and
historic fact.

The earliest traditions of Israel are found in the first six
Books of the Bible the Five Books of Moses and the Book
of Joshua which together are called the Hexateuch. In
analyzing the Hexateuch, Bible critics first single out a few
isolated fragments of poetry which they date as far back
as the early part of the twelfth century B.C.E. ; that takes us
back to more than thirty-one hundred years ago. Of the
remaining bulk of the Hexateuch, the original nucleus, they
say, follows two independent strains of tradition which were
set down in writing during the ninth and eighth centuries
B.C.E., and welded together, to some extent, during the sev-
enth century B.C.E. One of these strains of tradition, which
scholars designate by the symbol E (because God is usually
called Elohim), is that of the northern tribes of Israel: even
here a still earlier nucleus can be traced (and symbolized
as C) . The other strain of tradition, which scholars designate
by the symbol J (because God is usually called Yahweh, or
as we might spell it, Jehovah), is that of the southern tribes
of Judah : this is the predominating tradition and this too con-
tains an earlier nucleus (symbolized as K). E and J having
been welded together during the seventh century B.C.E become
JE. Accordingly, one comes to speak familiarly of the J
Code or the E Code or the JE Code. The habit of designat-
ing Codes with letters thus seems to have gained vogue among

THE BIBLE BEGINS TO SPEAK 1 1

Bible scholars before it suggested itself to contemporary gov-
ernmental heads. The results are apt to be equally confusing,
as we shall see.

A book unearthed in 62 1 B.C.E., called Deuteronomy (sym-
bolized as D), led to a revision and amplification of all the
earlier material in the combined document JE, in accordance
with the religious tone of Deuteronomy, and then this three-
fold combination (including the Book of Deuteronomy) was
completed during the sixth century B.C.E. and is designated
JED. Later revisions and additions of a priestly character
(hence, the symbol P) were made during the fifth century.
P added to JED equals JEDP, and JEDP stands for the entire
product as now combined and fused. Thus the process of
additions and revisions continued, and was not completed until
about 200 B.C.E. So say the Bible critics.

This vivisection of the Bible has exposed to public gaze its
historic unreliability. How can the account of the Patriarchs
be accurate if the events were not set down in writing until
nearly a thousand years after they took place? Especially
severe were the first doctors of analysis. Equipped with a
knowledge of the weaknesses of other primitive religions, they
forthwith consigned to the realm of myth and legend nearly
all of the early Bible narrative. Of late, however, a more
conservative tone has entered Bible criticism. Archaeological
findings have established the probabilities of at least the out-
line of the Bible tradition. Archaeology has dug up, out of
the past, names equivalent to Abraham, Joseph, Moses:
whether the reference is to these specific people of the Bible
it is still impossible to say. Moreover, an Egyptian stele of
the thirteenth century B.C.E. contains reference to the people
of Israel, residents in Palestine. The dismembered Bible is
performing a miracle as impressive as any recorded within its
pages. It is reviving. Knit together, it is still the best source
of our information. Even allowing for legendary accumula-
tion, unless evidence to the contrary is introduced and proven,
it behooves us to accept in good faith the basic theme if not
the personal details of the Bible drama of Hebraic life under
the Patriarchs.

iz THUS RELIGION GROWS

4. THE DESERT DEBUT

WHEN the Israelites first step into history we find them
nomads in the desert. They comb the desert, seeking pasture-
lands. The heat of the day scorches and the cold of the
night chills. When the flocks have nibbled away the meagre
grass of the oasis, these nomads move on with their flocks,
during the night, by the clear light of the desert moon. For
nomads the moon is more than a moon. It is a blessing. It
is divine. Its new birth each month is hailed with joy and
celebrated as a festival. That the Hebrew lunar calendar
and new-moon observances thus found their origin is not un-
likely. Possibly the Sabbath, coming at each quarter of the
moon month, originated similarly.

The Passover Festival (Pesah) is traced to this same period
of Israel's history. It may well have originated as a sacrificial
offering of the firstlings of the flocks and herds to the deity
who brought the flocks and herds into existence. This pro-
cedure would follow from the principle of taboo. If the
animals were brought into life by the deity, then he has a
primary right to possess them this is the logic of taboo. If
that right is violated, the deity as original owner will enforce
his right. Human beings, however, need these animals for
food. That creates the problem. How circumvent the pro-
prietary rights of the deity ? By substituting rites for rights !
By sacrificing the firstlings, and keeping the other offspring.
Hence, the Passover Festival on the night of the equinoctial
full moon of spring, in which the blood of the sacrifice seems
to have been smeared on a sacred stone or (at a later stage)
on the exterior of the abodes, and the meal eaten in its entirety
before morning.

Later in the year, when shearing-time came, it was realized
that the wool of the sheep and the goats was yet another gift
of the gods. Some of the unearned increment had to be re-
turned. Again a joyful occasion for festive thank-offerings,
and again the theory as well as the practice of religion were
adjusted to meet life's practical requirements.

Some of the other customs of nomadic peoples, customs

THE EXODUS REALLY A GENESIS 13

such as circumcision, refraining from food before a battle,
the Lex Talionis (the "eye for an eye" law), blood revenge,
the devoting of spoils of war wholly to the deity (Herem),
appear to have their origin in this desert period. In general,
those customs which show the environmental effect of the
desert are assigned to this preliminary period in the evolution
of Judaism.

5. THE EXODUS REALLY A GENESIS

THAT from the desert the Israelites came to sojourn in Egypt,
and that they were here enslaved, is not seriously doubted.
Subjection to slavery is nothing to boast of; this tradition
would hardly be created in any process of legendary glorifica-
tion. The very mention of the degraded state of slavery is
in itself proof of its reality. Moreover, the extent to which
the Exodus from Egypt became ingrained in the consciousness
of the Jew removes grounds for doubt. So profound was
its influence upon the whole subsequent development of the
religion of Israel that even if the Exodus did not take place
as is recorded then we must assume that something of a very
similar nature did occur.

Real doubts have been raised as to how many of the
Israelite tribes were involved in the Exodus. Some say : only
the tribes of Joseph, Benjamin, Dan and Naphtali, which are
grouped together as the Rachel tribes; that the others, the
Leah tribes, had already made their way independently to
Canaan at various times and through various routes. Others
say : Judah, Simeon and Levi ; others, that only the tribe of
Levi ever dwelt in Goshen. However, there is some
support for the main tradition of the Bible, namely,
,that all the twelve tribes were in Egypt and that four hundred
and eighty years before Solomon built the Temple that is,
about 1447 B.C.E. Yahweh inspired Moses to take advantage
of unusual troubles which plagued Egypt and thus to lead the
twelve tribes of Israel into the adventure of the Wilderness.

So heroic was this achievement of Moses in the matter
of the Exodus, it was inevitable that heroics would in time
be wreathed about his life. The halo of legend which has

i 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

come to encircle Moses is a tribute of the Jew's love for him.

Many words have been written and spoken in an endeavor
to explain the "miracles" which Moses performed. Some of
the explanations are no less miraculous than the miracles them-
selves. With regard to the crossing of the Red Sea, for in-
stance, one theory holds that the Hebrews crossed not the
Red Sea but a Sea of Weeds, that when the Hebrews, pursued
by the Egyptians, reached this point, a sudden volcanic erup-
tion combined with an earthquake to produce the appearance
of land on which the Israelites crossed to safety; but that
when the Egyptians arrived on this same strip of land the
underlying vaporous gases, which had caused it to appear,
suddenly dispersed, and the Egyptians sank with the land.
Another theory tells of a very high wind combining with
a very low tide to lay bare a stretch of land, normally covered
by water, on which the Israelites were able to cross, but on
which the Egyptians were trapped by the quicksands and the
returning tide.

Whatever the explanation, something unusual did happen
and it had a revolutionary effect upon the religion of Israel.
No record of this event has as yet been found in Egypt it
may have been a matter of small concern to the Egyptians but
it was of utmost importance to Israel. The Hebrews looked
upon the deliverance as providential, the work of Yahweh.

Regardless of the scientific evidence that may be adduced
to prove the "naturalness" of the "miracles," the fact remains
that the hindering annoyances visited upon the Egyptians,
whatever they were, did come at a time when the Israelites
desperately needed the aid of nature and it was this remark-
able coincidence which enabled them to escape their crushing
bondage and to enter upon a new career of freedom.

Unexpected acts of nature plagues, storms, earthquakes
have frequently helped to shape the destiny of people and
nations : the British victory over the Spanish Armada, in which
freaks of weather were contributing factors, and the conse-
quent supremacy of the British Navy, is a striking illustration
in modern history. No one will deny that the Black Plague
left an indelible impress on the history of Europe. It is

MOSES, MIRACLES, YAHWEH 15

necessary, then, to recognize that powers other than those of
man the powers of nature, which we may properly call
superhuman deeply affect the welfare and happiness of man
in history. When the forces of nature express themselves at a
time of crisis, to constitute a turning point in history, then that
coincidence looms up as more than a coincidence : it reveals
itself as an act of providence. Therefore, to look upon the
"miracles" as merely accidental happenings is insufficient.
For Israel in Egypt they were direct acts of God.

Inasmuch as the religion of Israel grew in response to the
group experience of Israel, the Exodus from Egypt, and the
circumstances surrounding it, became for the people of Israel
the revelation of new truths in the realm of the spirit. The
Exodus meant the lifting of the Hebrew religion to a higher
plane, never before attained. The Exodus was in a profound
sense the Genesis of Judaism.

6. MOSES, MIRACLES, YAHWEH

To have snatched the Israelites out of their bondage was not
enough. The people needed assurance that they would not
be stranded in the Wilderness, that the deity who saved them
would see them through, would be with them, would guide
them, would help them. On, then, to the Mountain of Yah-
weh! This became the first objective for Moses and his
straggling band.

The Mountain of Yahweh is sometimes called Horeb and
sometimes Sinai. We have no sure knowledge of the precise
location of this mountain. It is probably in the territory of
the Midianites, where the Kenite tribe dwelt, for it is here
that Moses had received the burning behest of Yahweh to free
the Israelites.

Atop this sacred mountain, Moses entered into a Covenant
with Yahweh. The Children of Israel proclaimed Yahweh
their One God. Yahweh elected the Children of Israel His
chosen people.

The nature of Yahweh prior to this time is open to much
research. According to the one tradition of the Bible (J),

16 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Yahweh was the God of Israel even during the life of the
Patriarchs and He was fully known to them. According to
the other tradition (E), Yahweh became the God of Israel
only at this time of Moses. If the latter tradition is the true
one, how did Moses learn of Yahweh? There are several
theories. It is probable that Yahweh was the deity of the
Kenites, a deity that brings into existence the fundamental
needs of existence (Yahweh being the Hiphil of the verb
"Hayyah," "to be"). He is described also as a deity that
manifests itself in volcanic eruptions, and a god of war "whose
arrows will go forth as the lightning" (Zech. 9 : 14). It may
be that Yahweh's reputed success in warfare attracted Moses
during that period in his life when he was forced to flee from
Egypt and find refuge with the Kenites. He contemplated :
perhaps Yahweh can deliver the Israelites from their oppres-
sion. He sought to learn more and more about Yahweh from
his father-in-law, Jethro, a priest among the Kenites.

With his message of hope Moses hastened to his people.
They trusted Moses not at once, but eventually. They be-
lieved in Yahweh. They believed He would save them.
Save them He did, in a manner that was miraculous or well
hardly less than miraculous. Yahweh's power was put to
the test (the Hebrew word "nes" means both "miracle" and
"test") and Yahweh demonstrated the might of His power.
And now, because of the wonders of nature that He had
wrought for the redemption, Israel felt obligated to the deity,
bound by specific commands which Moses would make known
to them.

7. ISRAEL COVENANTED TO YAHWEH

AT the Mountain of Yahweh, to which Moses had led the
emancipated devotees of Yahweh, a holy enthusiasm pos-
sessed the people. Exultantly Israel entered a Covenant
with Yahweh. The divine name and the knowledge of
the name meant for them knowledge of the very essence
of the divine was here revealed. The code of laws, ex-
pressing the fundamentals of the religion, was here given out.
So inspiring was the moment that the very earth seemed to

ISRAEL COVENANTED TO YAHWEH 17

tremble; the mountain flashed fire and fumed with smoke;
the people trembled. In their ears thundered the ten great
Commands, for them not only to hear but to obey. The ten
Commands were engraved in the hearts of those Israelites
and for the benefit of future generations they were likewise
engraved on two tablets of stone ! But, strange to relate, the
impression on the hearts of the Israelites outlasted that on the
stone. The stone in time was lost and now it is difficult to
say which were the original Commands.

Because of their simplicity and nomadic nature, it is thought
in some quarters that the Commands which are found in the
thirty-fourth chapter of the Book of Exodus (verses 14-28)
are the original ones :

1. Thou shalt worship no other god.

2. Thou shalt make thee no molten gods.

3. The feast of Passover thou shalt keep.

4. The firstling of an ass thou shalt redeem with a lamb ; all the

firstborn of thy sons thou shalt redeem.

5. None shall appear before Me empty.

6. Six days thou shalt work, but on the seventh thou shalt rest.

7. Thou shalt observe the feast of ingathering.

8. Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leavened

bread, neither shall the sacrifice of the Passover remain
until the morning.

9. The firstlings of thy flocks thou shalt bring unto Yahweh,

thy God.
10. Thou shalt not seethe a kid in his mother's milk.

There are not really sufficient reasons, however, to disbe-
lieve that the ten Commands which the Bible itself connects
with this stirring episode of Israel's history are the truly origi-
nal ones. These we read in the twentieth chapter of Exodus
(verses 2-17). In their earliest and unappended form they
probably read as follows :

1. I am the Lord thy God : thou shalt have no other gods be-

fore Me.

2. Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image, nor any man-

ner of likeness.

3. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain.

i8 THUS RELIGION GROWS

4. Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy.

5. Honor thy father and thy mother.

6. Thou shaft not murder.

7. Thou shalt not commit adultery.

8. Thou shalt not steal.

9. Thou shalt not bear false witness.
10. Thou shalt not covet.

The remaining part of the Covenant with Yahweh supple-
mented the original ten Commands. Known as Torah "in-
struction" they became the living tradition of Israel. As a
living tradition, the Torah was continually added to and im-
proved, or reinterpreted, in the light of the continued growth
and experience of the people. There was something valuable
in this: the Torah would not be prone to stagnate. The
continuance of a fluctuating oral tradition later became a dis-
tinguishing feature of Judaism and perhaps one of its finest
aspects.

Mention should be made of the orthodox belief among Jews
that to Moses was revealed the Torah, that is, the Pentateuch
known as the Written Law as well as its traditional inter-
pretationknown as the Oral Law. Still, the entire revela-
tion was entrusted only to Moses, whilst for the entire people
of Israel the full implications of the Torah could come only
through slow and gradual enlightenment. For the people,
through study and experience would they fathom the deeper
meanings.

The ritual involved in the early worship of Yahweh was
probably simple and in keeping with the nomadic life of the
tribes. The Ark served as the symbol of Yahweh, for it con-
tained the sacred stones on which, it is assumed, were inscribed
the divine Commands. In a tent called the Tabernacle was
the Ark domiciled ; it was here that the will of the deity could
be consulted. Those specially qualified to interpret the will of
Yahweh, as well as to care for the Ark in its journeying
through the Wilderness, were formed into a priesthood. And
tradition relates that Moses, the very first to hold this office,
assigned the priesthood to Aaron and his descendants of the
tribe of Levi.

NEW FOUNDATIONS 19

From the Mountain of God, Moses led the Israelites on
toward the Promised Land. The difficulties encountered in
the wanderings through the Wilderness would have proven
too severe for a leader other than Moses. For Moses was not
only gifted with great executive and administrative skill but
he was possessed with a spiritual ideal so powerful as to cope
even with the scarcity or food and water. An unsuccessful
attempt to enter Canaan from the south prolonged the hard-
ships of the Wilderness. It now became necessary to follow
a more circuitous route, to try to enter Canaan from the east
as soon as a favorable occasion presented itself. Step by step,
the Israelites reached the River Jordan, the very border of the
Promised Land.

But by this time, after the years of wandering and waiting,
Moses had reached the limit of his allotted years. His very
last thought was for his people. With a reiteration and re-
vision of his teachings, and a final exhortation for allegiance
to Yahweh, Moses departed from the land of the living. But
his spirit remained with his people. For them, "there hath
not arisen a prophet since in Israel like unto Moses."

8. NEW FOUNDATIONS FOR THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL

IT is true that in certain regards the religious outlook of the
Israelites at this stage was naive. Their thought of Yahweh
as a war god, a god concerned with sacrificial ritual, a god
who paid special attentions to his own people, did not dif-
ferentiate him in any important degree from the gods of other
peoples. At the same time, in this foundation of the Israelite
religion there were certain other elements which immediately
singled it out and placed it on a level higher than that of the
neighboring religions.

Much of the credit must go to the genius of Moses. The
impress of his personality in the religion of Yahweh is clear.
A rare creation of nature, Moses saw farther into the reality
of God than any human being who preceded him ever had.
Why one man should be born with the gift of sensitive insight
so far in advance of his entire generation we do not know.

20 THUS RELIGION GROWS

As in the discovery of scientific truth so in the discovery of
spiritual truth, fortuitous circumstance yields its aid. But
there is more than that. The human soul must be receptive.
Moses was sensitive enough to grasp the new meanings.

Let us summarize those findings which at this stage dis-
tinguish the religion of Israel from that of the contemporary
peoples.

First, impressed by the turn of events in Israel's providential
march to freedom and overpowered by a sense of Yahweh's
majesty, Moses beheld in the phenomena of nature the pur-
poseful working of God's power : "Who is like unto Thee,
O Lord, among the gods ? Who is like unto Thee, glorious
in holiness, fearful in praises, working wonders?" (Exod.
15: 11). Moses sensed the truth that God discloses His
reality and purpose in the destiny of peoples.

A second noteworthy feature in Israel's early religion is
the absence of any female deity in association with Yahweh.
The sex element is eliminated from the worship of Yahweh.
A contributing factor toward this healthy theology may have
been the severe life of the desert which allows no play for
extravagant vices. To one who knows little of the history of
world religions this achievement of Israel may seem com-
mendable but hardly startling. And yet its importance
cannot be overstated. It is the first step toward the incor-
poreality of God and the morality of religion. While other
religions of that day, and many after that day, could not
escape the tendency to represent the deity in terms of the
human family, Israel did escape it, and, more than that, did
exclude the corruptive influences which generally accom-
panied such representation.

In the third place, if we accept the ten Commands of
Exodus, Chapter Twenty, to be the ones given out by Moses,
we have here at this early date, thirty-three centuries ago
the first direct connection between deity and morality, the
emphasis that God is worshipped not only with ritual, but
also and what we consider more important with righteous
conduct : to honor parents, not to kill nor steal nor covet nor

NEW FOUNDATIONS 21

commit adukery nor bear false witness. To the eternal glory
of Judaism, Moses riveted religion to morality.

A fourth unique phase is the thought that Yahweh is a
jealous God. Otherwise it would have been easy for Israel
to revert to Polytheism, by associating other gods with Yah-
weh. But a jealous god demands the undivided devotion of
the worshipper. That tends to Monotheism.

A fifth distinctive element is the fact that whereas other
peoples felt united to their gods by a natural tie a bond of
ancestry or kinship Israel was joined to Yahweh by a special
Covenant. In the case of other peoples, it was imperative for
the god to care for his people ; if he allowed them to disappear,
the god would be left with no one to worship him ; he would
become a Jinn a rather deserted deity with feeble authority.
Contrariwise, Yahweh's existence and power were independ-
ent of Israel. Only according to a special Covenant did
He become their God; if Israel broke the Covenant, He
could forsake them. Yahweh was not inseparably tied to His
people. This understanding of the connection would tend
to make the Israelites all the more scrupulous in their conduct.
If misfortune came to them it would not be so easy to blame
the deity ; they would have to look for the fault in themselves.
The possibility of enlarging on this theme was seized upon by
the prophets of a later day. Especially when they could point
out that although the people of Israel may break their Cove-
nant, the God of Israel does not !

Here we have a great advance in the religious history of
Israel. A new peak is reached. A peak reached through the
urge of a crisis ! The necessity of escaping the intolerable
bonds of slavery ! In somewhat the same manner as a crisis
in the economic life of a country forces new knowledge, a
new realization, to appear from out of nowhere necessity
being ever the mother of invention so a crisis in the soul
experience of a people forces out a new knowledge, mainly a
truer knowledge, of God, a knowledge which already exists
in the nature of things and only waits to be discovered.

22 THUS RELIGION GROWS

9. JOSHUA CONFIRMS YAHWEH*S POWER

JOSHUA now undertook the leadership of the tribes. It was
his task to gain for them a foothold in Canaan. This he ac-
complished, fighting every inch of the way.

The Biblical narrative of Joshua's startling victories has in
the past generation of scholars been subjected to deflation.
It has been suggested that Joshua led only a fraction of the.
tribes, the others having arrived in two earlier and unrelated
migrations into Canaan. A fresh light has now been shed
on the dispute by the amazing discoveries in recent Palestine
excavations. A leading archaeologist, still engaged in un-
earthing the hidden ancient cities, now writes :

"Every identified site mentioned in the oldest sources (J, E and
JE) of the Books of Joshua and Judges was revisited ; while three
selected cities, Jericho, Ai and Hazor, were examined more
thoroughly with the spade. The impression now became posi-
tive. No radical flaw was found at all in the topography and
archaeology of these documents. Moreover, a study of the
subject-matter shows that these old portions of the Bible contain
after all the core of the historical narrative, and are relatively free
from discrepancies, giving a straightforward and fairly continu-
ous account of the sequence of events . . . The results of piecing
together the threads of evidence in this way will probably aston-
ish many readers ; and it has convinced the writer, after years of
study, that not only were these records in general founded upon
fact, but they must have been derived from earlier writings,
almost contemporary with the events described, so detailed and
reliable is their information" (J. Garstang, "The Foundations of
Bible History," pp. vii, viii).*

According to this corroborated Bible tradition, Joshua's suc-
cessful venture into Canaan was more than a military ma-
noeuvre. It was intimately bound up with the reputation of
Yahweh. Yahweh had been able to effect the escape of the
Israelites from Egypt ; He had been able to guide through the
Wilderness ; would He now be able to help force an entrance
into Canaan? His powers were still to be tested.

* By permission of Harper & Brothers, publishers.

JOSHUA CONFIRMS YAHWEH'S POWER 23

Divine aid was still imperative. Generations would be
pressed to battle on, before the Promised Land could become
a homeland, and in the prolonged grind nothing would so
bolster the esprit as the awareness that the heavenly hosts are
propitious. The Israelites, it seems, lacked no confidence.
As they moved towards Jericho, the first point of attack,
the tribes were full of expectation, waiting for something ex-
traordinary to happen. . . Something extraordinary did hap-
pen. The waters of the Jordan were cleft and the Children
of Israel were enabled to cross over despite the high tide.
(Landslides in 1267 and 1906 and an earthquake in 1927 ac-
complished this same marvel, this dividing of the waters of
the Jordan.)

Now the air was tense with anticipation. Yahweh would
again show the might of His arm ! The elaborate Bible ac-
count of how the walls of Jericho fell may indeed be based
on some unusual happening. It may be that an earthquake
shook the walls to their foundations, for Jericho lies within a
zone prone to earthquakes. An archaeological examination
of tell-tale remains of the walls reveals traces of their having
fallen either because they were undermined or because of an
earthquake shock. If because of an earthquake, then there is
added significance to a verse of Deborah's Song, the most
ancient passage of the Bible (Judges 5:4): "Lord, when
Thou wentest forth out of Seir, when Thou marchedst out of
the fields of Edom, the earth trembled." If because of an
earthquake, then Yahweh, who is already associated with
volcanic manifestations, would assuredly be given a full
measure of credit for the victory. However the crumbling
of the walls was effected, Yahweh it was who brought victory
and to Yahweh therefore the entire city of Jericho was sacri-
ficed. The religion "worked." By virtue of the continued
success, Yahweh in the minds of His worshippers had con-
firmed His might as well as His concern for His covenanted
people, Israel.

With Jericho as a base and Yahweh as an ally, Joshua suc-
ceeded with a few more conquests. Before long, however,
the stone walls of the more strongly fortified cities put a halt

24 THUS RELIGION GROWS

to his incursions. Joshua was thus forced to adopt a new
policy, that of allotting the land amongst the separate tribes,
for each tribe in its own way to take advantage of local con-
ditions in its assigned territory and thus, as opportunities pre-
sented themselves, slowly and gradually to possess the land.
In groups, the tribes moved off toward the wilder and already
conquered areas of Canaan. One group of tribes settled in
the south, with Hebron as the center ; another, in the middle
section, with Bethel as the center ; and another group settled
in the north. Enemy cities interdigitated the three groups.
Fighting disunitedly, the tribes could gain but little headway.
They therefore had to resort to a slow process of peaceful
and imperceptible penetration.

Thus they mingled with their neighbors and thus they came
in familiar contact with the religion of Canaan.

10. ISRAEL'S RELIGION TURNS AGRICULTURAL

WHAT sort of religion did Israel find in Canaan ?

In the unfertile south and southeast they found a type of
religion not very different from that with which they were
already acquainted ; it was the religion of a pastoral people,
semi-nomadic in character. The gods were called Elim.
Etymologically, El means "might"; but their might notwith-
standing, the Elim lingered only in the outskirts of Canaan.

The predominant religion of Canaan as we would imagine,
knowing how extensively the geographic and economic en-
vironments color a religion conformed to the preponderant
agricultural life of the inhabitants. What blessing would the
tiller of the soil seek ? An abundant harvest of corn and oil
and wine, of course. Correspondingly, wild beasts, foreign
enemies and disasters of nature would be the curses, by all
means to be avoided. The deity to whom the plot of land
belonged, he could bless or curse. Baal means "proprietor"
and the Canaanite deity Baal did indeed own the land. Each
Baal had his own area. Each area had its own Baal. But
the functions and worship of all the Baalim (the plural form
of the word Baal) were similar. It was each Baal's job to

ISRAEL'S RELIGION TURNS AGRICULTURAL 25

make his domain of land fertile, in which task he was as-
sociated with a female deity, Baalath (Astarte) or Mother
Earth. The offspring in the form of the annual crops
constituted the third element in the primitive trinity.

To encourage the deities in the performance of their duties,
the Canaanites naively worshipped Baal in a manner which
we would frown upon as degraded and demoralizing. These
simple people practiced as acts of worship those acts which
human experience taught them were connected with fer-
tility and productivity. The vicinity of green trees and the
hilltops (Bamoth) were the locales of the cult : later features
were the pole (Asherah), and the stone pillar (Mazebah),
which may have symbolized the gateway of biological life ;
heaps of stones (Gilgalim) played some part in this early
worship, also the household images (Teraphim) ; also the
bull-heads and snake-heads which excavators are now finding
in Palestine seem to have been used as symbols in the bizarre
ritual.

The autumn reaping of the full harvest quite naturally
prompted an expression of thanksgiving to Baal. That was
the great feast of the year even as the harvest was for those
farmers the most important event of the year an event, quite
literally, of life and death, for abundant crops meant pros-
perity whilst drought brought starvation. For the same rea-
son a festival was celebrated also at the time the barley harvest
began, in the spring of the year, when unleavened bread was
eaten in celebration. Seven weeks later, the termination of
the wheat harvest provided another occasion for a thank-
offering. These constituted the three main festivals of the
agricultural religion.

Sacrifices were elaborate and essential in the cult of Baalism.
The temples provided one room for the sacrifice proper,
rooms where the food would be eaten, accommodations for the
priests, and a roofless enclosure which was considered very
sacred. Two meanings can be attached to the sacrifices.
They may be looked upon as a taboo-removing gift to the deity
for his favors : a choice part of the produce or the first-fruits
of animals and trees (and sometimes children) were dutifully

26 THUS RELIGION GROWS

returned ; at first the devotees thought he actually ate the food
but later they deemed it sufficient for him to inhale the
fragrance of the smoke. A second significance of sacrifice is
that of sharing a meal with the deity : part of it is burned for
the deity ; the priest eats his portion ; the family eats its por-
tion ; and thus a bond is created which intimately unites the
deity with the worshipper.

With this importance attached to sacrifices, an elaborate
priesthood became necessary, a necessary evil perhaps. Be-
sides sacrifices, they busied themselves with the performance
of magic, the attempt to consult with the dead, and they coped
with a whole realm of demons all of which constituted
further elements in the land's religion.

"Seers" were in great vogue : they were regarded as gifted
men who could predict the future. The desire to know what
tomorrow will bring was no less keen then than it is now ;
the ability to divine the future was no less profitable than it
is now. A variety of devices was employed. It was not un-
common for "seers" to observe the flight of birds, or to notice
the color and movements of an animal that was sacrificed, or
to study the shape a drop of oil assumed in a pitcher of water,
or to consult some specific oracle, as revealing the future.
Men so gifted with prognosticative insight must stand close to
the deity : they were called men of God. Hence, the diviner
and the priest were usually combined in the same person (the
Hebrew word for "priest" Cohen means "diviner" in
Arabic) .

Finally, there was the queer practice which we have come
to call "ecstatic prophecy," according to which an individual,
very likely of unbalanced mind, danced himself into a state
of frenzy, whirled, staggered, until, beyond himself and ex-
hausted, he sputtered inarticulate sounds. Such unearthly be-
havior was proof that a supernatural power from without was
taking possession of the prophet's body, to reveal through his
disconnected ravings the things that are hidden. So, at least,
the Canaanites thought.

Once in Canaan, the Israelites did as the Canaanites. Set-
tled on fertile land, they became farmers. Having become

YAHWISM VERSUS BAALISM 27

farmers, a new occupation for them, they had to learn the
methods of agriculture. The methods of agriculture included
not only a knowledge of the use of the simple implements and
of the care of the soil but also a knowledge of the religious
ritual without which all other efforts would fail. We can
almost hear the counsel of the Canaanites, that the Hebrews
must worship the local gods if they want prosperity. The
Hebrews were alert pupils. The Bible is crowded with evi-
dence of how much of the primitive tradition, folk-lore and
language of the Canaanites they took over. Not many sea-
sons passed before they were worshipping Baal, with his train
of accessories : the Bamoth, the Asherah, the Mazebah, the
Gilgal, the images, the three agricultural festivals, the sacri-
ficial cult, the organized priesthood, the diviners and the
ecstatic prophets.

Baal and Yahweh thus dwelt side by side. Yahweh the
Hebrews fancied wouldn't mind, because He, after all, was
not an agricultural god, nor was His home Canaan.

II. YAHWISM VERSUS BAALISM, AND THEIR PROPHETIC
CONTESTANTS

BUT the two did not long continue together. Yahweh proved
His superiority in the political crises during the time of the
Judges. Baal could not ward off the dangers of invasion;
Yahweh could. A series of decisive events in the Canaanite
career of the Israelite people succeeded in squelching Baalism
and the same turn of events led the people onto new grounds
of religious discovery.

The first major episode was that of Deborah. Deborah,
who had gained a wide reputation as a diviner, was inspired
in a moment of national danger when it seemed that the
Canaanites would surely crush the separated tribes of Israel
to arouse six of the tribes, to call them together in the name
of Yahweh, the God of might, and then to lead them to vic-
tory ; in this single moment of her life Deborah proved her-
self more than a diviner. She was a prophetess. Historically
decisive was this religiously inspired achievement. It so hap-

28 THUS RELIGION GROWS

pened that the Canaanite confederacy outnumbered the Israel-
ite tribes and, with their superior organization, chose to wait
for the Israelites to make the first move. The latter seized
the opportunity when they saw it. A heavy rainstorm broke
and overflowed the River Kishon. This propitious moment
the Israelites seized upon to attack the Canaanites who were
encumbered and handicapped because of their heavier armor,
and for the same reason were thwarted in their panicky re-
treat. Again it was nature a power greater than man that
created the opportunity.

As a result of the amazing victory, the north of Palestine
passed into possession of the Israelite tribes while the Canaan-
ites were now reduced to a subordinate position. The six
tribes which shared the glory were brought closer together.
This proved the first positive step toward forming the Israel-
ite nation, and toward strengthening the Israelite religion as
well.

Precisely what was the effect upon the religion ? Prior to
the battle, the Israelites had observed their neighbors call on
their gods for help in time of war, and now they too looked
for some deity to help them. Whipped into action by Deb-
orah, the Hebrews therefore turned once again to Yahweh,
the Lord of Hosts, whose aid through a phenomenon of na-
turehad made possible the escape from Egypt and the
forces of nature did indeed again bring victory. Yahweh's
supremacy was demonstrated even in Canaan, and a mighty
argument that was for the fusion of the gods which the sepa-
rate tribes retained as their individual deities and rival deities,
at that.

A century and a half later, when the greater danger of the
Philistine oppression threatened to crush the life of Israel,
Samuel, a small-town diviner or "seer," anointed Saul as king
and leader in the defense against the Philistines. He inspired
Saul to achieve a measure of success in the name of Yahweh ;
in this single episode of his life Samuel proved himself more
than a "seer." He too was a prophet.

It was David who made complete the defeat of the Philis-
tines. It was David who welded all the tribes into a national

YAHWISM VERSUS BAALISM 29

unit. It was David who fused the religion of the separate
tribes into a national religion. This double syncretization
took expression in David's prize conquest : Jerusalem. Jeru-
salem he made the national capital as well as the national
sanctuary, made it the home of the holy Ark. David now
established the supremacy of Yahweh, for according to an-
cient theology when a people conquers a land, its deity con-
quers the gods of the land. It was, indeed, the religion of
Israel the inspiration of Yahweh which enabled Israel to
win and possess a homeland.

The triumph of Yahweh was, alas, only nominal. Baal
worship continued under a different name. It continued in
the name of Yahweh. Yahwism, in the course of events, had
embraced Baalism. The masses saw nothing wrong in this.
They innocently adapted for the worship of Yahweh their old
sanctuaries and festivals and sacrifices. Inasmuch as Yahweh
possessed the land He may indeed have been called a Baal.
This we can suppose from the fact that even Saul and Jona-
than, devotees of Yahweh, gave to their children names with
a "baal" ending (Ishbaal, Meribbaal).

David's court included a royal "seer," Nathan, who func-
tioned in prognosticating the failure or success of a move for
war and acted also the part of politician, having advocated the
claim of Solomon to succeed David. In these regards Nathan
was no different from the average court "seer." One experi-
ence, however, raised him to the level of prophecy. It was
when David, apparently not satisfied with the contents of his
harem, took Bathsheba to wife and conveniently sent her hus-
band, Horiah the Hittite, to his death in battle. Nathan
immediately recognized this act as contrary to the democratic
standards which Israel had brought as a heritage from the
desert. He cast caution to the winds. At the possible risk
of his life, Nathan took a stand in opposition to his absolute
monarch and dauntlessly he denounced this crime of David.
Conscious of his position as spokesman of Yahweh, Nathan
accused David of sinning not only against Horiah, but against
the very God of Israel. By this rebuke, and the connotation
that he added, Nathan articulated the new truth that God de-

3 o THUS RELIGION GROWS

mands moral conduct, demands it even of a monarch. In this,
Nathan gave a higher meaning to the idea of prophecy and of
religion.

King Solomon, following his father David, continued to
centralize the nation and the religion. For the first time, the
people enjoyed peace long enough to devote their energies to
tilling the soil. The surplus produce they accumulated gave
rise to barter and the resultant commerce. Commerce took
Israelites to foreign lands, whilst it brought foreigners, prin-
cesses in particular, to the land of Israel. In this dual fashion,
foreign extravagances crept into the religion of Israel. The
foreign princesses were given costly accommodation for them-
selves and temples for their gods. Not to be out-templed,
Solomon reared a Temple worthy of the dignity of Israel.

This new vogue failed to meet the approval of the Yahwists

as we might conveniently designate them those who
fondly recalled the happy days of the simple life and the
simple worship of Yahweh. There were stirrings amongst
the people. Men were saying to themselves that this was not
the life their fathers had lived. Oh, for the old days of the
desert, those remote days of the past, when every one was
your equal, when democracy prevailed, when sexual purity
was maintained, when luxuries were few and taxes were slight

Oh, for the good old days !

The discontent reached its climax in the open rebellion,
after Solomon's death. The kingdom was divided in two.
Solomon's son, Rehoboam, remained with the loyal tribes in
the south, as the King of Judah. Jeroboam favorite of the
Yahwists became king of the ten seceding tribes, hence-
forth called the Kingdom of Israel.

Jeroboam proved disappointing; he reverted to the old
Baal-mixture of Yahweh worship, re-emphasizing the impor-
tance of the old sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel in preference
to that of Jerusalem, reverting to the use of household images
(Teraphim) and a hill-idol and all the pomp and degradation
of the local shrines. The Yahwists expressed their disap-
pointment by overthrowing him. With succeeding monarchs,

YAHWISM VERSUS BAALISM 31

matters grew worse. Intrigue and corruption were precipi-
tating a crisis.

The loyalist Kingdom of Judah included much of the pas-
toral section of Canaan. It was therefore relatively free from
many of the Baalistic excesses of the agricultural north. Here
the Yahwists were able to make some headway. They influ-
enced Asa (Rehoboam's grandson) to remove his mother from
office and the idols she had set up, to purify the Temple, and
to renew the Covenant with Yahweh. What were the con-
tents of the renewed Covenant ? Those of the thirty-fourth
chapter of Exodus, scholars now theorize, since the details of
that chapter reflect this period of Israel's history. The theory
holds, further, that this very first reformation in the Jewish
religion created the first document (K) of the Hexateuch, and
that later similar reformations brought into being the later
documents and Codes to constitute the Books of Moses and
Joshua. So the Bible began.

The Yahwists may have indeed succeeded with their refor-
mation, because we hear nothing more of them until the time
of Isaiah, some hundred and seventy-five years later. That is,
nothing more in the south.

In the north, conditions were different. Both in location
and disposition the north was open to influences alien to
themselves. Here the strength of the Omri dynasty brought
economic prosperity reminiscent of the glamorous days of
Solomon. Commercial treaties again became necessary.
Ahab, of the Omri dynasty, married Jezebel of Phoenicia.
And then the trouble began. With her, Jezebel brought her
inseparable Baal, Melkart of Sidon, for whom a temple now,
of course, had to be built in Samaria. Foreign cults were thus
encouraged to flourish freely. Imagine the outraged feelings
of the staunch defenders of the religion of Yahweh !

The Yahwists now consisted of three groups : the Nazirites,
the Rechabites, the "ecstatic prophets." The Nazirites pro-
tested against the lax living of their day: this protest they
emphasized by a severe vow to abstain from whatever might
be conducive to the abominations of Canaan ; it is recorded

32 THUS RELIGION GROWS

that they refrained from drinking wine and from cutting their
hair. The Rechabites, who may have included the Kenite
element of the Hebrew population (though it is stated that
Jonadab ben Rechab founded the movement), idealized the
pastoral life of the nomad where wealth is not amassed, cor-
ruption cannot enter; when wine is not drunk, moral ex-
cesses are avoided ; if the dwelling is no more than a tent,
movable in a day, decay cannot set in and the Rechabite
movement agitated not for political freedom nor for national
glory but for ethical emancipation. The third group devoted
to Yahweh, "ecstatic prophets," sought to employ their well-
known frenzied powers to create zealots for Yahweh. The
Yahwists were out for action.

In Ahab's day the decision had to be made, once for all.
Either Yahweh or Baal. The urgency of the need required
one who was prepared fearlessly and decisively to make a
stand. Elijah the Tishbite of Gilead was prepared. As re-
corded in the Bible (I Kings 18), Elijah dramatically demon-
strated that Yahweh, and Yahweh alone, is the God of all
nature. And on another occasion Elijah went out of his way
to drive home the conviction that Yahweh is likewise a God
who demands righteous conduct. That was when King Ahab
found it difficult to acquire Naboth's desired vineyard. Tak-
ing matters into her unscrupulous hands, Queen Jezebel
brought false charges against Naboth and had him executed.
Then Elijah, a man whose life was already in jeopardy, con-
fronted the monarch, pointed a menacing finger at Ahab
and threatened (I Kings 21 : 19) : "In the place where dogs
licked the blood of Naboth shall dogs lick thy blood, even
thine."

Throughout his life, Elijah vigorously opposed injustice,
inequality, immorality ; in this regard he was superior to the
earlier prophets, for their recorded activity was confined to
but a single event. Elijah differed from them further in that
he was no professional "seer" ; he was a shepherd by trade but
a prophet by conviction, compelled by an inner urge to de-
nounce the very king. With faith in the truth of his mes-

GIANTS OF THE SOUL 33

sage, Elijah stood his ground alone heralding a new era in
religious leadership. Little wonder that Elijah is immortal-
ized in Jewish history as Eliyahu ha-Nabi, the beloved hero.
Elijah's results were not permanent. His successor, Elisha,
determined to make them permanent. But Elisha misinter-
preted his task. He thought he could purify the religion
through the simple device of inciting Jehu to murder Jezebel
together with the Baal worshippers and thus to uproot the
idolatry. Elisha was mistaken. Wholesale murder in the
name of religion is unpardonable. It is a distortion of the
very name of religion. Not the death of the sinner is desired
but that he repent of his sin, and live. As a matter of historic
fact, following the bloody revolution, when King Jehu set
up the new dynasty, Israel wallowed in a degradation no less
abominable than that of Jezebel's regime. Yet, a better day
was coming. Elijah had started something. Forces were at
work, destined to create giants of the soul.

12. GIANTS OF THE SOUL

AMOS, whom we may date at about 760 B.C.E., is the first
among the giants of the soul, known to the world as "literary
prophets." His appearance marks a new epoch in the religious
evolution of Israel, in which latent and untapped energies are
released and which, for more than three centuries, shapes the
Hebrew religion into a higher creation a unique form of
Ethical Monotheism.

We call these prophets "literary prophets" because we have
the words they actually spoke and wrote or had written down
for them. We can go to the Bible and read them. Another
reason for designating them literary prophets is to distinguish
them from the professional prophets who preceded them, the
diviners and the crazed ecstatic babblers who could "proph-
esy" the future. Right at the start, Amos made this quite
clear. When someone in his day dared call him a prophet
he replied indignantly : "I am no prophet nor a disciple of a
prophet" (Amos 7 : 14). Truly spoken, for Amos' prophecy

34 THUS RELIGION GROWS

was not limited to the immediate turn of events ; it reached
out to generations unborn, his words vibrating through the
centuries.

The conditions prevailing during the period of the literary
prophets were most distressing. The social order was rotting.
The rotting began on top. The upper set showed the worst
example. Intrigue, quarrels, murder. The humble farmer
was exploited, first impoverished and then enslaved. The rich
creditor joined field to field; his monopoly grew. In the
cities there were debauchery and greed. Merchants in the
market-place tampered with the weights and measures. The
poor, the oppressed and the exploited cried piteously and
unavailingly for justice. To this dismal picture the advance
of the mighty Assyrian army gave the finishing touch.

Why then should spiritual giants have arisen at such a time ?
Why, in the midst of such degradation ? We might as well
ask why a lily of clearest beauty grows out of the mire. . .
Why ? Perhaps the lives of the prophets will tell.

Born in Tekoa, a village in the bleak wilderness of Judah,
Amos spent part of the year protecting his desert sheep from
the attacks of wild beasts, and part of the year dressing small
fig-trees. The severe simplicity of his life opened his eyes
to the injustice and idolatry of the cities. When he could
endure the ugly spectacle no longer, the urge came to him to
betake himself to the royal northern sanctuary at Bethel to
speak his heart to the assembled festive throng. "The Lord
took me," he says, "as I followed the flock, and said unto me,
go, prophesy unto my people Israel" (Amos 7 : 15). Amos
was reluctant to go. But he was overwhelmed by the thought
that it was God compelling him. "The Lord hath spoken,
who can but prophesy ?" (Amos 3 : 8).

Imagine the astonishment of the assemblage at hearing this
Judean shepherd jeer at their worship, declaring in God's
name, "I hate, I despise your feasts, and I will take no delight
in your solemn assemblies. Yea, though ye offer me the
burnt offerings and meat offerings, I will not accept them:
neither will I regard the peace offerings of your fat beasts.
Take away from me the noise of your songs ; for I will not

GIANTS OF THE SOUL 35

hear the melody of your viols. But let justice roll down as
waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream ! " (Amos 5 :
2 1-24) . What does he know ? the audience may well have
challenged the Syrians have been defeated ; the land under
King Jeroboam II is prosperous ; why, the Day of the Lord
is near ! Beware of the Day of the Lord ! Amos thundered
the Assyrian army will sweep over the land and decimate
the people. It was because Amos loved his fellow-men that
he spoke harsh words he sounded the alarm that the people
might repent before it was too late.*

But the people did not repent. Forty years later, Assyria
destroyed the Northern Kingdom. Amos was right. He
had found a key to the riddle of the universe ! The rise and
fall of nations are not accidental. There is a purpose behind
it all. Righteousness and wickedness are contributing forces.

Amos struck the keynote of the new prophetic epoch when
he proclaimed Yahweh the One Universal Ruler of mankind,
who guides the destiny not only of Israel but also of the Philis-
tines and the Arameans yes, and of the black-skinned Ethio-
pians too : in short, of the whole world, so far as Amos knew
it. Henceforth we are justified in speaking of the deity not
as Yahweh, the protector solely of Israel, but as God, Lord
of the Universe ! Not that God was suddenly created out of
Yahweh, but that the intrepid exploration of Amos into the
vastness of spiritual reality brought to humanity a glimpse of
the true nature of God. Even as millions of stars known to
astronomers in our day, and seen by them through the instru-
mentality of the latest perfection in telescopes, existed and
twinkled and moved in their celestial courses fifty years ago
when, by reason of the weaker instruments, they could not be

* In an interesting study (Hebrew Union College Annual, 1936), Julian
Morgenstern indicates that an earthquake at Bethel, on New Year's Day
exacdy two years after Amos spoke his prophecy of doom, led to the
erroneous impression that the earthquake completed the predicted punish-
ment, and probably that Amos then set his prophecy in permanent written
form to emphasize that the real punishment for the unabating sinfulness of
the nation was yet to come. Hence, the beginning of written prophecy.
If that be so, we have here further evidence of how acts of nature an
earthquake once more molded the religion.

36 THUS RELIGION GROWS

seen or known, precisely so, the feeble and false notions of
divinity proved stepping stones to truth, to the true God,
the Ancient of Days, whose more accurate discovery awaited
the greater knowledge and the keener vision of man.

Here we have no philosophically thought-out ascertainment
of Monotheism. It is a Monotheism which grew out of prac-
tical circumstances. What specific event brought to Amos
this tremendous understanding of God that God rules all
peoples, not one pet nation? Perhaps, the division of the
Hebrews into two kingdoms elicited the inescapable realiza-
tion that if Yahweh can be the God of two nations He can
likewise be God of all the nations. Perhaps, the awareness
that Yahweh demands justice evoked the corollary thought
that if God is just He will not favor one nation only, especially
if that nation is sinful. What gives especial value to Amos'
revelation is the insistence that Yahweh not only rules the
entire world but that He rules it in justice ! God therefore
requires justice of man.

This combined teaching impressed upon the Hebrew re-
ligion its distinctive and ineradicable stamp : Ethical Mono-
theismnamely, one God of all that is, whose very nature
demands ethical living.

A third noteworthy element in Amos' message is his conten-
tion that sacrifice and ceremonies and ritual cannot displace
justice. Without justice, they are empty ; God does not want
them.

In the fourth place, injustice and wrongdoing undermine
the strength of the people, leading to their ultimate collapse ;
the result is inevitable. But the inevitability of destruction,
Amos finally emphasizes, can be checked not through tearful
last-minute pleadings, but only through sincere repentance
and a change of conduct.

A spiritual summit had been reached by Amos. But he,
single-handed, could not lead the whole people with him to
his level. His words would have ended in mere words, and
civilization would have been the poorer, had not other
prophets followed Amos to the same altitude. Their personal
experiences revealed to them the same majestic truths which

GIANTS OF THE SOUL 37

Amos had uttered. Not by rote did they speak, nor in any
bookish manner. Rising from diverse stations and circum-
stances in life, they were independently impelled to yet the
same understanding of God and man, one prophet thus con-
firming the discoveries of the other. Each, of course, ex-
pressed his own personality : each had his own peculiar style,
his own shade of meaning, his own emphasis. The same re-
ligious gem, as it were, was held up to the light at different
angles to capture an added glow and an unexpected depth.

Unlike Amos in nearly every regard excepting that he too
is ranked a literary prophet was Hosea who lived a genera-
tion or so after Amos. By vocation a priest in the Northern
Kingdom, Hosea was the only Northern Kingdom prophet
whose writings we have. In the crowded city life, not in
the open spaces, did he receive his enlightening experience.
His beloved wife, Gomer, had deserted him ; years later he
chanced to recognize her in the market-place, offered as a
slave, to which low state she had drifted. By the rules of
strict justice she deserved what was coming to her. But,
strange, no rancor rankled within Hosea's breast. He paid
the price asked, fifteen pieces of silver and some barley and
wine, took his faithless wife back home and forgave Gomer
her injury to him. Compassion, he saw, is stronger even than
revenge or the desire for retribution. With the enlighten-
ment of sudden discovery, this private sorrow translated itself
in Hosea's mind into terms of Israel's faithlessness to God.

With what pathos Hosea pictures the words of God, a
loving Father :

"When Israel was a child, then I loved him,
And from Egypt I called him to be My son.
The more I called to them, the farther they went from Me.
They to the Baalim kept sacrificing and to images offering

incense.

Yet I taught Ephraim to walk, taking them by their arms ;
But they knew not that I healed them" (Hosea u : 1-3).

Notwithstanding Israel's misbehavior, God's love endures.
God is like man in that He has the power to love, but He is

38 THUS RELIGION GROWS

unlike man in that His love is perfect inexhaustible. To err,
jsjhuman, to forgive is divine. If man, puny and weak, if
man forgives, God decidedly must have mercy; and He must
forgive. The opportunity is ever present for man to repent,
namely, to "return" to the Lord, with "love and not sacrifice ;
and the knowledge of God more than burnt offerings" (Hosea
6 : 6) . Hosea's great contribution is his emphasis on mercy
and forgiveness wherewith to temper justice. With Hosea
we likewise witness a struggle to free religion from the gross
sexuality which attached to the Baal-cult "I am God, and
not man : the Holy One is in the midst of thee" (Hosea 11:9)
while at the same time giving a divine status to human love.
To Amos' appeal for fairness, justice and righteousness, Hosea
adds his own plea for purity, knowledge, loyalty and love.

Isaiah of Jerusalem, whose writings are found in the first
thirty-nine chapters of the Book of Isaiah, reveals yet another
facet in the gem of prophecy. Unlike either Amos or Hosea,
he held a high position in the king's court, where he made his
influence felt for nearly half a century the latter half of the
important eighth century B.C.E. Like his predecessors, Isaiah
vociferates a complaint against the social ills of his day, against
the haughty daughters of Zion who "walk with outstretched
neck and ogling eyes, walking and mincing as they go, and
tinkling with their feet" (Isaiah 3 : 16), wasting their lives and
their ill-gotten wealth on frivolity ; a complaint against unjust
judges"; against hypocrites; against soothsayers, sorcerers,
wizards, necromancers ; against the whole idolatry of worship.
Old complaints, these.

Isaiah's personal participation in the two political crises, that
of 734 B.C.E. and that of 701, leads him into unexplored chan-
nels of religious discovery. On both occasions he regards en-
tangliner alien alliances insufficient for his nation's security :

O O J

nothing is secure other than God and what God stands for in
life the righteous living which mobilizes the nation's re-
sources and strength. Subsequent events establish the truth
of Isaiah's contention, that in politics, in the government of the
country, broad religious motives and broad religious influences
should be allowed to dominate. Should religion be divorced

GIANTS OF THE SOUL 39

from affairs of the state? When diplomacy breaks down
under the pressure of man's duplicity, when office-seekers and
office-holders are motivated by personal ambition, when the
morale of a people is shattered and standards crumble, should
religion be divorced from affairs of the state? Isaiah gives
an unmistakable answer. Religion exalts a nation in righteous-
ness : religion is indispensable in national life.

While assuring his fellow Judeans that God will bring woe
to the nation for its sins, using Assyria as His instrument,
Isaiah yet holds out the hope of a "righteous remnant" who
will in the end return to God, to be God's witnesses on earth.
The remnant dedicated to God will be sanctified only by
learning to live the exemplary life, since God's holiness is
moral, not ritualistic. With a clarity and an intensity never
before attained, Isaiah proclaims that the whole earth is full of
God's glory, that the God of Israel is the God of the Uni-
verse ; whatever special relationship exists between God and
Israel is for the benefit of the world, since through Israel,
through the teaching and example of Israel, God will become
acknowledged throughout the world.

Isaiah pictures the day when the ideal people, Israel, will
have an ideal king a Messiah (Messiah means "the anointed,"
and since the coronation of all Hebrew kings was by anoint-
ment with oil, they were, in a sense, all Messiahs) a descend-
ant of David, upon whom the spirit of God rests, in whom
there is wisdom and virtue, who will not engage in war but
will destroy the very materials of war. Seeking primarily to
create a new world of truth and justice, the Messiah will
rule in reverence of the Lord, to the end that "the earth
shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover
the sea" (Isaiah 11:9). At various times in the history of
Judaism it was believed that the promised Messiah had at last
arrived; yet the hope of an ideal world is still a hope for
Israel. And its majestic portrayal is the crown of Isaiah's
achievement.

Isaiah lived to see the unheeded warnings of his own proph-
ecies, likewise those of Amos and Hosea, fulfilled in the
Northern Kingdom. In 722 B.C.E. the Assyrian army cap-

40 THUS RELIGION GROWS

tured Samaria and dealt the Northern Kingdom its death-
blow. The refusal to listen to prophetic advice had sealed
its doom. In the natural sequelae of defeat, the Israelites of
the north lost their identity. It is likely that some escaped
and merged with their kith and kin in Judah, that a number
were lost in the melting-pot of captivity, that many merged
with the imported heathen settlers to constitute the "Samari-
tans" a half-breed, half -Jewish and half -idolatrous, amalgam.
But of the Kingdom of Israel we hear no more. Only the
Kingdom of Judah remained.

Had also the Kingdom of Judah been destroyed at the same
time, there would be no Judaism in the world today and
perhaps no Christianity or Mohammedanism either. But a
miracle of history some prefer to call it a coincidence took
place. Forces of nature again intervened. When, following
the northern victory, the invincible Assyrian army was on the
point of attacking the southern Kingdom of Judah, a plague
broke out in the Assyrian ranks, and mighty Assyria was
compelled to withdraw. Judah was thus saved for another
century and a quarter. During that century and a quarter,
history-making energies were released. More prophets arose,
to reenforce the work of Isaiah and his predecessors, to drive
into the hearts of the people the conviction that they, the
Jews of Judah, were especially chosen by God to survive and
live on for the purpose of bringing true religion to mankind.
They did indeed seem destined to live on !

13. HISTORY, THE LABORATORY OF RELIGION

ONE of the first to reenforce the idea of true religion was
Micah of Moresheth. Living in the Shefelah, he must have
witnessed the triumphant Assyrian hordes marching from
ruined Samaria toward Egypt. This sight alone would be
enough to arouse him, even at the cost of his life, to rail
against the iniquities of his day. Himself a farmer, Micah
feelingly spoke of the doom of grasping landlords, bribed
judges and extortionist tax collectors. What particularly

THE LABORATORY OF RELIGION 41

goaded his anger was the complacent assurance of these ex-
ploiters that no evil could come to them so long as they car-
ried out their sacrificial obligations. Religion without decent
conduct, he corrected them, is not religion. Do you want to
know what religion is ?

"He hath shown thee, O man, what is good ;
And what doth the Lord require of thee
But to do justly, and to love mercy,
And to walk humbly with thy God ?" (Micah 6:8).

The magnificent precepts of Micah and Isaiah, coupled with
the dreadful example of the Northern disaster, induced Heze-
kiah, King of Judah, to undertake religious reforms. He
removed the idolatrous "high places," broke the images, devas-
tated the degrading groves, smashed the Nehushtan (brazen
serpent), closed down provincial sanctuaries and centralized
worship at the Temple in Jerusalem.

The reformation did not prove as thorough as it should
have been. At the very first opportunity reaction set in.
That was when Manasseh succeeded his father Hezekiah.
The waves of reaction swept the people back, even beyond
their former aberrations. Outlying sanctuaries were reopened,
impurities in worship reappeared. Children were subjected
to an ordeal of fire ! Copies of Assyrian corruptions ! As-
syria's increasing hold on Judah brought a new array of for-
eign idolatries into the land; because of Assyria's superior
might in battle, superiority was foolishly attributed to its
astral gods. King Manasseh raised no objections. On the
contrary, anyone who dared protest was silenced with death ;
tradition relates that the prophet Isaiah was among those
cruelly exterminated. Such tyranny tended to drive the
prophetic work underground. This accounts for the absence
of the names of prophets in the first half of the seventh cen-
tury B.C.E.

The prophet Zephaniah gives us a vivid account of those
miserable days in a message directed against the new-fangled
idolatry ; his contribution, in the evolution of prophecy, is an

42 THUS RELIGION GROWS

insistence on humble and patient waiting as a requisite of re-
ligion . . . not to lose heart.

An accidental discovery rewarded the patient waiting of
the prophetic group. In the year 62 1 B.C.E., King Josiah was
carrying out some Temple repairs. Shaphan, his secretary,
was on his way to draw money from the Temple-repairs
subscription-chest when he was greeted by the priest Hilkiah
with the information that a long-lost Book of Moses' Law had
been discovered in the course of the renovation. This un-
earthed document may have truly originated with Moses, and
perhaps at the time of King Manasseh's recklessness was hid-
den in the Temple for safe-keeping (if so, we have here our
first instance of archaeological excavation). But many Bible
scholars are inclined to think it was composed not very long
before it was found and that it was deliberately given the
semblance of Mosaic commands in order to guarantee it a
good reception, or simply because the author felt he was
writing in the spirit of Moses and gave Moses the credit for
his inspiration, or a third possibility is that the material did go
back to Moses and that the finders only retouched it for the
specific needs and advanced ideas of the day.

The discovered Book of the Law we now know as the
Biblical Book of Deuteronomy ! Consistently it emphasizes
that even as there is but one God so there should be but one
sanctuary, in Jerusalem; consistently it opposes oppression
and tyranny, while stressing God's justice and love and uni-
versality the very ideas of the prophets of this era ! The
Book of Deuteronomy, in translating spiritual aims into prac-
tical demands, is an embodiment of the spirit of the prophets.

With what consummate genius the thought of the One God,
who is to be loved and obeyed, is breathed into the words :
"Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God, the Lord is One : And
thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, and
with all thy soul, and with all thy might: And these words,
which I command thee this day, shall be in thine heart: And
thou shalt teach them diligently unto thy children" (Dt. 6 :
4-7). The universalization of God may have begun with

THE LABORATORY OF RELIGION 43

prophetic utterances, but this Book of Law for the people
transforms those utterances into an accepted doctrine of Juda-
ism, the cornerstone, in fact, of the religion.

The prophetic protest against idolatry is paralleled by the
Deuteronomic verse: "And ye shall overthrow their altars,
and break their pillars, and bum their groves with fire ; and
ye shall hew down the graven images of their gods, and de-
stroy the names of them out of that place" (Dt. 12:3). A
central sanctuary at Jerusalem lending itself to close super-
vision, would keep idolatries out of the religion. Moreover,
restricting the priesthood to the descendants of the Levite
tribe would provide an added safeguard to the purity of the
worship.

"Love ye therefore the strangers, for ye were strangers in
the land of Egypt" (Dt. 10: 19) is an interpretation of
Israel's history which is indeed expressive of the prophetic
spirit.

Because of these several characteristics it is believed that the
Book of Deuteronomy was secretly written by the silenced
prophets of Manasseh's dictatorial reign and deposited in the
Temple to await an opportune discovery. The discovery was
opportune: widespread humanitarian and ecclesiastical re-
forms in the spirit of Deuteronomy were forthwith enacted,
alien cults were wiped out, extraneous and illegal altars over-
thrown.

Unhappily, the prophetic efforts were doomed to an early
demise with good King Josiah's death twelve years later.
How natural, after this disappointment, for the prophet Ha-
bakkuk to question God why He allows the wicked to swallow
up the righteous. In this challenge Habakkuk projects the
fundamental problem of religion. It is a problem which arises
out of the contradiction between the teaching of the eighth-
century prophets that God is just and merciful, as contrasted
with the bitterness of life's pain and disappointment. Why
should undeserved suffering be meted out to the righteous ?
Why ! From the prophet's inmost soul comes God's reply :
"The just shall live by his faith" (Hab. 2:4). Ultimately

44 THUS RELIGION GROWS

justice will triumph. Faith, that JfaitLwhich demands confi-
dence and patience, is life-sustaining, regardless of life's haz-
ards. Here w5" have the product of Habakkuk's genius !
But we have not heard the end of the perplexing problem. It
will appear again.

Less of a genius and more of the average human being was
the prophet Nahum, whose words are believed to have been
spoken at this latter part of the seventh century B.C.E.
Dramatic events were following one upon the other. As-
syria, the dreaded lion of Mesopotamia, despoiler of Israel,
Assyria the strong, weakened with startling suddenness.
Triumphant Babylonia vanquished proud Nineveh. Revenge
to the oppressor. How wonderful! Wonderful, yes
when judged by the frail human desire for revenge, which
frailty Nahum exhibits. Not all prophets were of the same
spiritual stature. We might be lenient with Nahum on the
grounds that he was gratified not over the destruction of As-
syria but over the fulfillment of prophecy, to teach the Jews
a needed lesson which would bring them to a truer under-
standing of God and the way of the world. Still, compare
Nahum with Jeremiah !

In the short-lived reformation of King Josiah, Jeremiah had
taken an active interest. He, a priest, had helped abolish the
prohibited sanctuaries of his native Anathoth with such zeal
as to incur the ill-will of his townsmen. And then, so soon,
after all the high hopes of the reformation, came the reaction
the same old abominable idolatry. Jeremiah was set furi-
ously thinking : surely there is no value to a reformation which
can be upset so easily. A lifetime of critical experiences, re-
flecting deeply in his bosom, brought to Jeremiah a response
startling in its revelation of truth. To him came the realiza-
tion that religious observance cannot be superimposed if
there is not the inner impulse to obey ; religion is not external,
but dwells in the heart of man. Qgd is in man. Man re-
quires no go-between. In the ideal future, the moral Law will
be enforced not from without but by the desire of man's own
heart and mind. Here we have the pinnacle of prophetic
vision~:

THE LABORATORY OF RELIGION 45

"Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, that I will make a
new covenant with the house of Israel, and with the house of
Judah; not according to the covenant that I made with their
fathers in the day that I took them by the hand to bring them
out of the land of Egypt, which my covenant they broke ; . . .
but this is the covenant that I will make with the house of Israel
after those days, saith the Lord: I will put my Law in their
inward parts, and upon their hearts will I write it ; and I shall be
their God and they shall be My people. And they shall teach
no more every man his neighbor, and every man his brother,
saying, 'Know the Lord'; for they shall all know me, from the
least of them unto the greatest of them, saith the Lord" (Jer.

Poor Jeremiah : the people would not believe him. His
were unpopular prophecies ; what was worse, his was the mis-
fortune that they did not come true in the immediate future.
His prediction that Judah would be destroyed for its sins fell
through when the threatening Scythian invasion failed to ma-
terialize. He was laughed at. The people did not under-
stand that a prophet is not a fortune-teller of what will hap-
pen on the morrow. But Jeremiah was not daunted. He
knew that punishment must come as the inevitable result of
sinfulness* as certainly as night must follow day. He knew
that the doom of Judah was sealed the evil day will arrive,
sooner or later. This Jeremiah knew because he stood close
to God. He believed in what theologians call the "imma-
nence" of God, the direct and intimate presence of God.
Frequently Jeremiah stood alone with God, so unpopular was^
he with man. For JeremiaK it was inward religion that
counted, personal and individual faith each individual suf-
fers for his own sins God welcomes everyone to Himself,
even the gentile. To one of this temperament, the worship
of the Temple recedes into a position of secondary or tertiary
importance.

Jeremiah stands supreme not only because he came upon
great truths, but because he dared live and die for his convic-
tions, thereby demonstrating the strength of his religion. He
was beaten ; he was put in stocks ; he was seized by the mob ;

46 THUS RELIGION GROWS

he was thrown into a dungeon ; he was lowered into an under-
ground cistern ; twice he escaped a lynching ; finally he was
dragged to an unknown end in Egypt. Did he swerve from
his conviction? In the very gate of the Temple, Jeremiah
admonished the worshippers that the presence of the Temple
in Jerusalem is no security that God will defend Judah from
destruction : lying words and disgusting deeds have made of
the Temple a den of robbers. With all his might he begged
the rulers not to ally with Egypt against Babylonia be pru-
dent and submit to Babylonia, he urged, and do not throw
away your life on the battlefield ; there is more constructive
patriotism, to remove evil and wrong from the land. Afraid to
express his conviction? Not in the least. To show those
who still could not understand, Jeremiah smashed a jug in
their presence : into so many pieces would Judah be smashed.
For days he wore a wooden yoke about his neck : to the rulers
he said, "Bring your necks under the yoke of the king of
Babylon, and serve him and his people, and live" (Jer. 27 : 12).
At the very end, when destruction was imminent, he pur-
chased at full value some Judean land, to symbolize his confi-
dence that after the people will have suffered for their sins,
God will restore them to Judah.

Jeremiah's pleadings fell on deaf ears, but history, the
laboratory of religion, proved the truth of his words. In 586
B.C.E., the walls of Jerusalem were battered down, the Temple
was burnt, the people routed. Some escaped to Egypt. The
upper classes were led in captivity to Babylonia. And Jere-
miah recorded the depth of his grief in the poetry of the Book
of Lamentations, poetry which is still read in synagogues on
the anniversary of the tragic day.

14. A SECOND EXODUS AND AGAIN A GENESIS

JUDAISM the religion of Judah in exile is now faced with a
vital challenge. Can it survive without the Temple ? Can it
survive outside the territory of Judah ? Can it survive amidst
the mingling of Babylonian peoples and religions ? Can Ju-
daism survive despite God's seeming neglect of the Jews ?

A SECOND EXODUS AND AGAIN A GENESIS 47

Judaism did survive. The efforts of the earlier prophets
were not in vain. Ezekiel too, formerly a Temple-priest and
now an exile in Babylonia, was in no small measure respon-
sible for the survival. He had a reply to the new religious
problems. The nation was exiled because of its sins. But
God still cares for the individual soul, quite apart from the
nation. "Thejsoul that sinneth, it shall die. The son shall
not bear the iniquity of the father, neither shall the father
bear the iniquity of the son ; the righteousness of the righteous
shall be upon him, and the wjgkedness of the wicked shall be
upon him. But if the wicked will turn from all his sins that
he hath committed, and keep all My statutes, and do that
which is lawful and right, he shall surely live, he shall not
die" (Ezek. 18: 20, 21). Even the nation will be forgiven
its sins and will not die, if it remain loyal to God in a land of
new idolatrous and immoral temptations. God will restore
the nation. He must for the sake of His reputation, His
honor. God must show His power is not limited. Yes, in
Babylonia He will assemble the scattered dry bones of Judah
and breathe fresh life into them and reestablish the nation
and Temple in Palestine.

To Ezekiel, God seemed of transcendent power and holi-
ness. So insignificant did he consider man in comparison to
God that whenever he felt God speaking to him he would
hide his face in humility. When a message of God rushed in
upon him, he would hear the voice addressing him, "Son of
Man," as though to single him out as far beneath the divine.
What a contrast to Jeremiah's intimacy with God ! The
transcendence of God impressed upon Ezekiel the responsi-
bility of every individual to his Maker. So distant, in fact, is
God that He can be approached only through an elaborate
ritual. So holy is God that He must be worshipped with
resplendent ceremonial. There will be a fearful destruction,
after which the Almighty will be proclaimed King, Israel
will be gathered, a Prince of David will lead them as a shep-
herd ; in the restored Temple the descendants of Zadok will
be the priests and the other Levites will assist in offering suit-
able obeisance to the Almighty. The Temple will be the

48 THUS RELIGION GROWS

center of a theocratic state a Holy Nation. The city will
be called "The-Lord-is-There," and there will God be sancti-
fied in the sight of many nations.

Ezekiel's solution to the religious difficulties of Judah may
not satisfy us today. But it served the purpose for his day.

It was inevitable that a certain number of Jews would be en-
gulfed in the Babylonian environment. The majority of
them, however, whilst they took on the trading habits of the
Babylonians, deliberately resisted the influence of the Baby-
lonian gods : Marduk, Bel, Gad, Meni. Here by the rivers
of Babylon the faithful wept when they remembered Zion.
With determination they vowed : "If I forget thee, O Jeru-
salem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not
remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my
mouth ; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy" (Psalm
137:5,6).

No longer in possession of the Temple, where alone
sacrifices could be offered, it became necessary to stress
the other observances of the religion, especially in the exile
where it was essential to maintain the exclusiveness and the
distmctiveness of Judaism. Added importance was therefore
attached to the observance of the Sabbath, circumcision, the
laws of food and of ritual cleanliness. Small audiences would
gather in Ezekiel's home to listen to his instruction. In all
likelihood, the groups would chant the songs of the Temple
which they knew so well and would read the Law of Moses
and listen for words of encouragement. These are the gath-
erings which Ezekiel may have implied when he spoke of the
"little sanctuary." Here are the roots of a new religious ex-
perience, the synagogue, which later far surpassed the Temple
in importance. In the course of the centuries, the synagogue
developed into the central institution of Judaism and the pro-
totype of the church in Christianity.

Thus, the First Exile of the Jews, which in effect was a
Second Exodus, served again as a starting point for a new
stage in the evolution of Judaism. At times of greatest crisis,
it seems, the necessities of adjustment energized into being

A SECOND EXODUS AND AGAIN A GENESIS 49

new creations, new institutions, new practices and a new
understanding of the mystery of life.

Ezekiel, we have seen, was a unique combination of priest
and prophet ; in addition to giving expression to his propheti-
cally stimulated imagination he engaged in a priestly compila-
tion of the old ritual for future use in the rebuilt Temple
which he confidently expected before long and in a didactic
revision of the historic documents of the Bible. But in
breadth of spiritual vision Ezekiel's fame pales alongside the
splendor of another prophet of the exile.

This other prophet of the exile came upon religious truths
of the highest value and these truths he expressed in language
of utmost beauty. Strange is the fate of history that we
know nothing of the life of this poet-prophet, the greatest of
all the prophets ; we are not even sure of his name. All we
know is that he lived during the period of the exile, at about
540 B.C.E., and that his writings were appended to those of
Isaiah of Jerusalem, covering Chapters 40 to 55 in the Book
of Isaiah. It may be that his name too was Isaiah and that
the confusion of the two Isaiahs led to a joining of the two
prophets. For convenience, we designate the great unknown
prophet: Deutero-Isaiah (the Second Isaiah).

Thirty years separated Deutero-Isaiah from Ezekiel.
Thirty years of exile. Thirty years of waiting for the glori-
ous restoration Ezekiel had promised. Thirty years of disap-
pointment. Thirty years of increasing sense of sinfulness,
self-blame, sadness. If ever the people needed a guiding star,
it was then. He Deutero-Isaiah came ; he brightened the
gloom. "Comfort ye, comfort ye my people" (Isaiah 40 : i),
announced his throbbing message from God. Double the
extent of their sins had they suffered ; now they were for-
given. They must have faith in God ; they must hope ; they
must understand that suffering is not necessarily punishment
for sin, as Ezekiel and the others had told them, but suffering
purifies. Hardships spftenpne. They were being refined in
the crucible of life ; they" were being sanctified for their role
in history as servants of the Lord. They were suffering for

5 o THUS RELIGION GROWS

the sake of others. Their suffering was vicarious. But why
write words so prosaic when we can read in the four "Servant
Songs" what Isaiah himself teaches in poetry of unexcelled
magnificence ?

The first Song (Isaiah 42 : 1-7, as given in the Jewish trans-
lation) proclaims God's choice of Israel as the servant, and the
service that God requires :

"Behold My servant, whom I uphold ;
Mine elect, in whom My soul delighteth ;
I have put My spirit upon him,
He shall make the right to go f orth to the nations.

He shall not cry, nor lift up,

Nor cause his voice to be heard in the street.

A bruised reed shall he not break,

And the dimly burning wick shall he not quench :

He shall make the right to go forth according to the truth.

He shall not fail nor be crushed,

Till he have set the right in the earth ;

And the isles shall wait for his teaching. . .

I the Lord have called thee in righteousness,

And have taken hold of thy hand,

And kept thee, and set thee for a covenant of the people.

For a light of the nations ;

To open the blind eyes,

To bring out the prisoners from the dungeon,

And them that sit in darkness out of the prison-house."

In the second Song (Isaiah 49 : 1-6, according to the Jewish
translation) when the servant speaks it becomes clear that
only the "righteous remnant" in Israel, only the loyal few,
are meant to be the servants of the Lord. Accordingly, the
first assignment will be to win over the whole people of Israel
to true religion, then, the more difficult task of winning over
the other nations of the world. Here is the latter part of the
second Song (Isaiah 49 : 3-6) :

A SECOND EXODUS AND AGAIN A GENESIS 51

"And He said unto me :
'Thou art My servant, Israel,
In whom I will be glorified.
But I said : 'I have labored in vain,
I have spent my strength for naught, and vanity ;
Yet surely my right is with the Lord,
And my recompense with my God.'
And now saith the Lord

That formed me from the womb to be His servant,
To bring Jacob back to Him,
And that Israel be gathered unto Him
For I am honorable in the eyes of the Lord,
And my God is become my strength
Yea, He saith :

'It is too light a thing that thou shouldest be My servant
To raise up the tribes of Jacob,
And to restore the offspring of Israel ;
I will also give thee for a light of the nations,
That My salvation may be unto the end of the earth.' "

The third Song (Isaiah 50 : 4-9) tells how undeserved
Israel's suffering will be, and therefore all the more painful,
but productive of a character all the finer and all the purer, all
the more equipped to do God's assigned work.

Ultimately, amongst nations of the world will dawn the
recognition that God's servant, Israel, whom they despised,
had really been suffering for their sake and for their sins,
which deserved suffering they themselves had escaped. Then
will they appreciate that Israel's life was one of self-sacrifice,
a life so noble as to merit unbounded gratitude. That is the
culminating theme of the fourth Song (Isaiah 52:13 to
53: 12). Here is one stanza (Isaiah 53:4-6) in which the
nations say :

u Yet surely it was he who bore our sickness,
And carried our pains :
Yet we did esteem him stricken,
Smitten of God, and afflicted !
But he was wounded for our transgressions,
He was crushed for our iniquities ;

52 THUS RELIGION GROWS

The chastisement of our peace was upon him ;

And with his stripes have we been healed !

All we like sheep did go astray ;

We turned everyone to his own way ;

And the Lord made to light upon him the iniquity of us all !"

Assured that he was appointed for a divine purpose, in
which anguish was to be an inevitable concomitant, the Jew
could endure loss of home and Temple. Captivity was no
longer a matter of disgrace. Rather did he look upon it
as a badge of honor, a sign that he was engaged in his mission.
Deutero-Isaiah's interpretation of God's way in the world
yielded this revivifying stimulation not only to his contempo-
raries but to the entire future of Judaism as we shall see.

In the immediate future, Deutero-Isaiah foresaw a restora-
tion of the nation. Skilfully he read the signs of the times.
A rising power was gaining strength ; it would soon overthrow
Babylonia and, in pursuance of its policy, would allow the
exiled Jews to return to Palestine. Deutero-Isaiah actually
named the deliverer : Cyrus, king of the Persians, whom he
calls the "Messiah," the "anointed" king. Formerly, only
Jewish kings were called Messiahs but, in Isaiah's comprehen-
sion, God rules the entire universe and therefore even through
a non-Jewish king can He deliver Israel. For that matter,
neither Bel nor the other gods of Babylonia had caused the
defeat of Judah. The One God had launched the Baby-
lonian hosts on their punitive errand and now the same One
God will bring about the restoration, for He is the God
of all peoples and of all history.

Of all the prophets, Deutero-Isaiah gives the most explicit
and complete teaching of Monotheism. With rare sarcasm
he ridicules the lifeless statues of the Babylonian processions
as unworthy of the very concept of a deity. There are no
foreign gods or strange gods. There is only One God : "I
am the Lord, and there is none else, there is no God beside
Me" (Isaiah 45 : 5). The destruction of the Temple makes
no difference to God's power or holiness ; He can be wor-
shipped in any land. This momentous presentation character-
izes Judaism at this early date in the history of religions, and

THE PERSIAN INFLUENCE PERMEATES 53

for all time, as a Universal Religion, recognizing a Universal
God. In a subsidiary sense, the Judaism of Deutero-Isaiah is
nationalist or particularist, inasmuch as it cautions Jews to
retain their individuality, as special servants of the Universal
Lord, until that time when the message will have reached the
ends of the earth. Thus nationalism and universalism in
Judaism are harmonized.

Next is the question, where is God found? God is im-
manent; His blessings are found within thejieart of man
they are free to acquire, as free as the air we breathe, and have
no relationship to material prosperity. At the same time,
God is transcendent ; His greatness is unsearchable.

15. THE PERSIAN INFLUENCE PERMEATES

As Deutero-Isaiah had predicted, Cyrus in 537 B.C.E. con-
quered Babylonia. Forty to fifty thousand Jews migrated
back to a small assigned territory in Palestine ; the others re-
mained in Babylonia, Egypt, and surrounding countries. The
exile had made of them a changed people. Soberly they now
took to heart the words of the prophets. Jeremiah, Ezekiel,
and Deutero-Isaiah could now pull their weight with the
people and lift them to a spiritual plateau. Especially Deu-
tero-Isaiah showed them how to brave disaster, to see in their
sufferings a working-out of their mission. With great expec-
tations they returned to Palestine. How they were dis-
appointed when they arrived ! The land had become
impoverished ; the Samaritans, a mongrel people of neighbor-
ing Samaria, proved troublesome ; the Persian army, marching
through the land, did no good.

These disillusioning realities the prophet Haggai attributes
to the divine displeasure over the delay in rebuilding the
Temple. His appeal meets with some results, under the
leadership of Zerubbabel, a prince of the Davidic dynasty,
whom the Persians appointed Governor, assisted by Joshua,
the high priest. Haggai sincerely believes that in a little
while the gentile nations will be overthrown, Israel redeemed,
the Temple established in greater glory than ever, and Zerub-

54 THUS RELIGION GROWS

babel acknowledged as God's "anointed." His belief is re-
enforced by the fellow prophet, Zechariah (Chapters i to 8
in the Book of Zechariah). In eight fantastic visions, Zecha-
riah delineates symbolically what he later iterates directly :
his hope for the glorious restoration of the Temple and the
people, of whom Zerubbabel (the "shoot" of David) will be
the ideal ruler, the Messiah.

The hopes of both these prophets were doomed to dis-
appointment. Still, they did much to buoy up patience and
hope at a time when these virtues were at a premium.

At length, in 516 B.C.E., the Second Temple of Jerusalem
was completed. There are no records of what took place
during the ensuing sixty years. We do know that Zerub-
babel, as ruler of Judea, failed to measure up to the figure of
a Messiah. The governors of Judea who succeeded him
were Persian non-Jews (with the one later exception of
Nehemiah), the Jewish community being represented by the
high priest. Heavy taxation exhausted the best of the people's
produce, leaving the inferior for use in Temple sacrifices.
The offer of the Samaritans to join in the rebuilding of the
Temple had been repulsed the pious builders had already
learned their lesson, that if the religion is to live on in full
strength it must keep a safe distance from any diluted expres-
sion of Judaism and that refusal tended to make the Samari-
tans more of a nuisance than ever. So we see, conditions in
Palestine were far from flourishing. It is to the Mesopo-
tamian home of the exiles that we must now look for the
further growth of Judaism.

During the Persian period of Jewish history which now
opens we find necromancing, magic and idolatry becoming
fashionable in certain Jewish circles. The influence of Persia,
of course. For the two centuries of Persian control (until
333 B.C.E.) it would be natural to expect the infiltration of
Persian modes of thought and conduct. The degree to which
the Persian religion, called Zoroastrianism after its great
teacher, affected Judaism is variously estimated. Some of
the teachings of Zoroaster, who lived no later than the seventh
century B.C.E., approach the ethical and monotheistic stand-

THE PERSIAN INFLUENCE PERMEATES 55

ards of Judaism and to that extent were probably welcomed
by Jewry. But after Zoroaster's splendid personal example
and influence dwindled, his followers reverted to the old
Polytheism of nature. The religion assumed a definite dual-
istic form, with an eternal struggle between Ormazd, the
deity of light and good, and Ahriman, the deity of dark and
evil. Propinquity of residence brought the dualism into the
camp of the Jew. Monotheism thus encountered its first
major challenge, the challenge of one of the world's dominant
religions.

Already in the writings of the prophet Zechariah we find
the appearance of "the SatanAV In this introductory stage,
the Satan was thought of as a trusted angel, charged with the
duty of cross-examining the sincerity of human claims to
righteousness; hence he was somewhat of a prosecuting at-
torney in the Heavenly Court, and slightly more cooperative
with the Heavenly Judge than is the prosecuting attorney
with judges of flesh and blood. In the course of time, Satan's
endless search for flaws in God's world demoralized his char-
acter and reputation, and imperceptibly he changed into a
definite demon of destruction, opposed to God. A host of
other demons were at his beck and call, ready to assist his
nefarious designs. Confronted with such opposition, the side
of good required the reenforcement of hosts of angels. And
here was Zoroastrian dualism the forces of evil arrayed
against the forces of good a dualism threatening the unity
of the Jewish comprehension of God. The threat for some
time was serious. Then Judaism shook it off, teaching : God's
power surpasses all harm and suffering God is the Lord of
both light and darkness, of both good and evil for good
and evil, even as light and darkness, are each partial expres-
sions of a whole. Light and darkness, good and evil : both
are instruments of God, both serve God's plan.

The fantastic visions in the writings of some of the later
prophets, including Zechariah, may be traced to a measure
of Persian causation. The same is true of the literature which
came to be known as apocalyptic and eschatological. Those
passages which reveal the unknown mysteries of time are

56 THUS RELIGION GROWS

"apocalyptic." The dramatic account of what will happen in
the "end of days" when upheaval will wreak havoc with the
world and an appointed deliverer will lead the righteous to
redemption and resurrection, is "eschatology." Inasmuch as
Zoroastrianism developed the first consistent eschatology it is
likely that where such doctrine is found in Judaism it was
acquired largely in Persia. Closely related is the doctrine of
the hereafter, and its development in Judaism was necessarily
accelerated by the contact with Zoroastrianism.

Let it be clearly understood, however, that these specula-
tions received relatively scant attention in the writings of the
Bible itself. The fuller consideration made its way into the
extra-Biblical literature. For the continued development of
the religion of the Bible let us return to Palestine during the
years following the dedication of the Second Temple.

The blasted hopes of the returned exiles led to recurring
doubts as to whether God was willing, or even able, to keep
His promise. These misgivings were set at rest by a prophet
whose name we have lost, but whose writings were tacked on
to those of the other two Isaiahs, forming Chapters 56 to 66
of the Book of Isaiah, and whom therefore we must designate
as Trito-lsaiah (the Third Isaiah).

To the righteous, Trito-lsaiah spoke soothing words of
the healing God would soon bring. Even in their affliction
they may enjoy peace of mind. "But the wiqJsed^are like
the troubled sea ; for it cannot rest, and its waters cast up
mire and dirt. There is no peace, saith my God, to the
wicked" (Isaiah 57:20). Ceremonial observance and fast-
ing, divorced from exemplary behavior, he scoffed at as a
mere shell of religion hollow. That will not accomplish
the desired glory of Israel. Feeding the hungry, clothing the
naked, bringing home the wandering poor, shattering the yoke
of tyranny that will. All men and women who would
observe these ethical demands, together with the Sabbath,
ritual and Law, Trito-lsaiah welcomed within the ranks of
Judaism. He rebuked any attempt to exclude from Judaism
those not of Jewish birth, "the sons of the stranger, that join
themselves to the Lord" (Isaiah 56 : 6), for he looked to the

ON INTERMARRIAGE 57

time when all nations would come to the religion of the Jew,
when God's house would be "a house of prayer for all
peoples" (Isaiah 56: 7).

A kindred spirit to Trito-Isaiah we know by the name of
Malachi. "Malachi" means "my messenger" : the name was
probably taken as a nom-de-plume by one who felt himself
a messenger of God. Was he mistaken in naming himself
a messenger of God, when the message he brings reads (Mai.
2 : 10) : "Have we not all one father? Hath not One God
created us? Why then are we unfaithful to one another,
profaning the covenant of our fathers?"

One especial evil of his day which Malachi denounced was
the scandalous practice of divorcing Jewish wives to marry
heathen women, and there is good reason to suppose that the
choice centered amongst the newly-rich Samaritan women.
The cruelty inflicted by such divorces he termed a crime
against religion. Those acceptable to God must pass the test
of decency, a test analogous to that which separates pure
silver from dross.

This high standard which Malachi set up is unfortunately
blemished by his final portrayal of the terrible Judgment Day,
for which Elijah the prophet will be sent to prepare the world,
when the wicked will be punished and the righteous rewarded.
On this pattern later generations constructed most elaborate
pictures of the Final Day. But how can this interpretation
of suffering compare with that of Deutero-Isaiah, or yet
another interpretation of which we shall soon read ?

1 6. ON INTERMARRIAGE

INTERESTINGLY enough, Jews who remained in exile in Baby-
lonia were more painstaking in their devotion to Judaism than
the Palestinian brethren. In their meeting places they
chanted psalms and recited prayers as substitutes for the Tem-
ple animal sacrifices. In these informal assemblies we have
the strengthening of the institution of worship which dur-
ing the Greek period of Jewish history became known as the
synagogue, the place of "assembly."

58 THUS RELIGION GROWS

The traditions and writings of Judaism were being scru-
pulously collected and edited. The Law (Torah) was
interpreted and explained by the "scribes," who in earlier
times had been the copyists of the Law and now the best
equipped to expound it. Foremost among the scribes ("So-
ferim," in Hebrew), is the name of Ezra, one of priestly
descent and of great learning. When news of the unhappy
events and the religious neglect in Palestine came to him, Ezra
sought the permission of the Persian king to lead an expedition
to Judea (the Kingdom of Judah in Palestine), to carry out
reforms. In addition to the royal decree of approval, he
received from the king and his court gifts of silver and gold
and an edict exempting Temple officials from taxation. And
from his fellow Jews, many of whom had prospered in the
land of their exile, he collected lavish contributions for the
Temple. In the year 458 B.C.E., accompanied by some
eighteen hundred families, some of the best in the land, Ezra
set out, without military escort, on the four months' journey.

Upon arrival in Jerusalem, Ezra was accorded a hearty re-
ception. As soon as the welcome calmed down he was made
sadly aware of the alarming extent to which Jews had mar-
ried non-Jews. He was distressed because he knew that
if this intermarriage continued much further the small band
of Jews remaining in Judea would soon be absorbed by the
overwhelming heathen population and that would be the end
of the Jewish religion : there can be no Jewish religion with-
out Jewish people, for the religion grows with the people
and is lived by them ; all the greater is the danger when na-
tional integrity is broken up and a national religion although
universalistic in outlook and teaching is all that remains of
a former national independence. To the large crowd which
had congregated about him Ezra gave tearful vent to his grief.
At the suggestion of a spokesman that they all make a solemn
vow to put away their foreign wives and their offspring and
that Ezra take the matter in hand, excitement ran high, cul-
minating in fervent oaths to dissolve the mixed marriages.
Such a resolve sprang from the basic instinct of group-
preservation ; though extreme, it did not nearly match the

THE WRITING OF THE TORAH 59

Athenian law which sold into slavery any alien man or woman
who married an Athenian citizen, and the offspring enslaved
also, besides imposing a heavy fine.

The oath of divorcement, impetuously made, proved a
bitter pill when it came to summarily dismissing a loved wife
or child. Five months later, at a second meeting, Ezra learned
how little had been done. A reluctance to take hasty action
expressed itself in a request for the appointment of a commis-
sion to consider individual cases on their own merit. While
it is true that a number of Jews put off their foreign wives,
it is equally true that others were outraged and vigorously
opposed such an act.

The Book of Ruth was probably written at this time as
a protest to the extremity of Ezra's advice. In the Book,
Ruth, a Moabitess, marries a Jew, and although her husband
dies and her mother-in-law releases her to do as she pleases,
she insists on a life-long allegiance to the people of her adop-
tion. Subsequently, Ruth is taken in marriage by Boaz,
wealthy kinsman of her late husband, and the narration ends
happily with the epilogue that the Lord found her worthy of
becoming the ancestress of none less than King David. The
moral, beautifully drawn, stresses that there is nothing to pre-
vent a gentile from becoming a loyal Jew.

17. THE WRITING OF THE TORAH

A DECISIVE step in the shaping of Judaism was taken by Ezra
when he read to a large gathering in Jerusalem the Book
of the Law of Moses, which he brought all the way from
Babylon. Levites moved among the people, explaining and
interpreting. The audience responded with loud weeping,
grieved to learn how many of the laws they had never obeyed,
some of which they had never even heard. It was necessary
to calm them down and bid them prepare for the Feast of
Tabernacles which they were now to celebrate. The Festi-
val was concluded with prayer and a determined oath, sealed
in writing, to obey the commands of the Book of the Law
whose principal injunctions were : the unswerving fidelity to

60 THUS RELIGION GROWS

the Sabbath, the interdiction of mixed marriages, the ob-
servance of the Sabbatical year, the suspension of the collec-
tion of debts on the seventh year, the payment of Temple
dues, the bringing of first-fruits and tithes, and the determina-
tion to live by the Law of Moses. This assembly under
Ezra's leadership has come to be known as The Great Syna-
gogue (Assembly) . Tradition tells that other such assemblies
convened on occasion, when the need arose, similarly to
promulgate ordinances. One statement counts one hundred
and twenty elders (including scribes) and eighty prophets
among the Men of the Great Synagogue. This institution is
said to have continued from Ezra's day right through the
period of Persian control, into the third century before the
Common or Christian Era.

If Ezra undertook the role of legislator, it was Nehemiah
who filled that of executive. Nehemiah, cup-bearer to the
king of Persia, requested and received appointment as Gover-
nor of Jerusalem and Judea. Immediately upon arrival he
stirred to a hasty completion the restoration of the city walls.
The two outstanding obstacles he removed with official effi-
ciency: the burden of debt which weighed down the
oppressed poor he lifted ; the troublesome Samaritans with
their corrupted half -Judaism he cut away from the body of
Jewry, allowing them to drift off on their own to Mount
Gerizim where they organized a rival ritual and temple. Most
important of all, Nehemiah was in a position to impose strict
enforcement of Ezra's reforms and thus to give them per-
manency.

The measures taken by Ezra and Nehemiah mark a turn-
ing point in the advance of Judaism in one more regard.
Their public reading, interpretation and enforcement of the
Book of the Law of Moses enshrined the Law as a Constitu-
tion, a foundation for the subsequent construction of the re-
ligious life. The Law was no longer the exclusive property
of priests ; it was implanted in the minds and hearts of the
people. In the best minds and warmest hearts it grew and
expanded, widespread implications being continually drawn
out of the precious words. These meanings were passed

THE WRITING OF THE TORAH 61

along by word of mouth and hence were called the Oral Law.

The more treasured teachings were set in writing on clay
tablets or rolls of papyrus wood or prepared animal skins and
these were included in the Written Law. In this context the
word "Law" has a larger meaning than in current usage.
"Law" is an approximate translation of the Hebrew word
"Torah," whose original meaning was to "teach" or "point
out," but in a fuller sense, as in the phrase Oral Law or Writ-
ten Law, has come to connote "instruction" or "body of
teachings."

In the modest days of old the book was the thing, not the
author. We have already found that some of the greatest
prophets are unknown to us by name. In the evolution of
the Jewish religion, the name did not matter ; it was teaching
that counted. Because the first five Books of the Bible are
called the Books of Moses there is the tradition that they were
all (excepting the last eight verses which are posthumous)
composed by Moses. But the Bible analysts of the last two
centuries have ear-marked the stages in the growth of the Five
Books (Pentateuch), and they have displayed evidence that
the Five Books were composed and revised time and again
by many unknown authors who attributed their work to
Moses because of modesty or because they felt their writings
were inspired by the spirit of Moses.

If we depart from orthodox tradition, and accept the evi-
dence of the modern scholars, how shall we account for the
authorship of these Five Books of Moses (Genesis, Exodus,
Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy) whose every word has
been molded into the foundations of Judaism ?

Earlier in this story of the Jewish religion, reference was
made to the accumulated laws, legends and customs of the
Ephraimite or Northern Kingdom (E), which were combined
by the seventh century B.C.E. with those of the Judean King-
dom (J), to produce the welded product JE. Then in 621
B.C.E. came the odd incident connected with the newly-found
Book of Deuteronomy, which stimulated not only the imme-
diate reforms of the regnant king, Josiah, but also a re-editing
of the whole history of the people, in line with the prophetic

62 THUS RELIGION GROWS

teachings. This revision was completed in the sixth century,
during the exile. But then, during the exile, there began in
Babylonia a new trend of writings, stimulated by Ezekiel's
vision of the restored kingdom and renewed worship which
would be centered in the Temple. (When the Second
Temple was erected in 5 1 6 B.C.E. some of these writings must
have influenced the manner of worship introduced.) Then,
after Ezekiel's day, further additions were made to the material
out of which the Pentateuch was assuming form.

The main aim of the post-Ezekiel compositions is to recon-
struct an ideal form of worship for the ideal Temple, and
laws of holiness for a holy, God-governed nation. The key-
note of these writings is expressed by the earliest of them,
found in the Book of Leviticus, called the Laws of Holiness.
Heretofore, ritual purity the precise observance of cere-
monyhad been considered quite apart from moral purity
decent living. But the Law of Holiness combined the two
types of purity under the slogan, "Ye shall be holy, for I, the
Lord your God am holy" (Lev. 19 : 2). God demands both,
physical or ceremonial holiness plus moral holiness.

This is a notable stride ahead in the upward march of
religion : it means that even according to the ritual law the
worshipper can no longer delude himself that he can success-
fully play the hypocrite simply because he adheres to the
ritual demands of his religion ; it means also that ritual ob-
servances, far from being isolated, are an expression and
reinforcement of moral ideas. Ritual and morals constitute
a unit in the worship of God, a unit which finds its noblest
expression in the injunction of Chapter 19, verse 18, of
Leviticus: "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." At
this point, prophet and priest meet.

These post-Ezekiel writings which began with the exile
and continued into the fifth century B.C.E. are termed the
Priestly Code (symbolized as P), because of the predominant
priestly tone. The P Code, which includes the above-men-
tioned Laws of Holiness, also expatiates on the Tabernacle
of the wilderness, the consecration of Aaron as high priest,
the stipulation that all Levites other than of the family of

THE WRITING OF THE TORAH 63

Zadok (descendants of Aaron) could serve only as lesser
priests, the details of the priestly vestments, the laws of
priestly conduct, the varieties of sacrifices and libations.
Emphasis is placed on the observance of the three Festivals
of the year Passover, Pentecost, Tabernacles; the Rosh
Hashanah Day of Memorial and the Day of Atonement are
introduced; the Sabbatical Year for the land, the Year of
Jubilee, the dietary laws, the ritual of cleansing from sin all
this, and more, is set out at great length in the Priestly Code,
covering all of our present Book of Leviticus, most of Num-
bers and much of Exodus.

Even the amateur can spot the P elements of the Pentateuch,
so characteristic is the style. For example, it goes into the
fullest of details with most meticulous precision, introduc-
ing elaborate genealogy, chronology and statistics mak-
ing the reading heavy and repetitious: "Throughout your
generations," "the self-same day," "did according to" here
we have sample tell-tale phrases which are repeated dozens
of times. One of the habits of the Priestly Code is to re-
phrase the inherited traditions and stories of Israel in such
a manner as to trace religious observances to very early
origins : the Sabbath is shown to begin with the creation of
the world ; the abstinence from blood, with Noah ; circum-
cision, with Abraham ; sacrifices, with Moses. It becomes
clear that these narratives were written not as historic accounts
but as an introduction to the Priestly laws, endowing them
with the full weight of antiquity. So the Torah reached
completion.

There is no absolute certainty in dating these stages in
the formation of the Bible. New knowledge upsets old
theories. But the activity of Ezra and Nehemiah does seem
to bring to a climax the formation of the Pentateuch. By the
end of the fifth century B.C.E. the earlier product (JED) was
fused together with the Priestly composition and the Five
Books of Moses, as we know them, appeared. There were,
one must add, further editions in formation continuing until
250 or possibly 200 B.C.E., but these editions were in reality
merely slight additions.

64 THUS RELIGION GROWS

1 8. PUTTING A MORAL INTO HISTORY

OF the Five Books of Moses, we have already considered,
in some detail, the last four. The first Book, the Book of
Genesis, has presented, in modern times, a scene of strife be-
tween religionists and anti-religionists, modernists and funda-
mentalists. Interpretations of Genesis are therefore many
and varied. A position which avoids the extremes of ortho-
doxy or heterodoxy looks upon the Book of Genesis as a
preface to the Books which follow. Genesis goes back
to the natal and pre-natal influences in the life of the Jew.
The Books must begin with some beginning and there is none
better than the beginning of the world.

The stories of Creation, of the Flood, and so on, are
parallels of legends to be found among other early writings.
But the Biblical account of these is in a class all by itself.
It reinterprets the primitive, and frequently crude, legends,
giving them a profound signification : this marked difference
becomes especially evident when a comparison is made with
the corresponding legends of, say, the Babylonian people.

What wealth of instruction is stored in the simple story
of Creation, as retold in the Bible !

There are really two stories of the Creation, one in each
of the first two chapters of Genesis. The Chapter I story
was written at about the time of Ezra some three hundred
years after the Chapter II story was composed. Coming at
a time when ideas of God and religion were more advanced,
the first chapter breathes a finer spirit than the second. Tak-
ing older legends into his hands, the author of Chapter I
shapes them and molds their details in such a manner as to
sculpt out the distinctive features of Judaism. He shows
God as creating the world, not out of material objects worked
into proper proportions with man-like hands, such as is seen
in the earlier anthropomorphic pictures of creation, but by
a divine will : "Let there be ! " Createo ex nihilo. Moreover,
every phase of creation is pronounced good the fundamental
belief of Judaism that this world is good, and life worth
living. Man is created alike to God, endowed with the power

PUTTING A MORAL INTO HISTORY 65

to think and manipulate and create, to labor as a co-worker
with God. And then, even as God rests on the seventh day,
so man should pause for a weekly Sabbath of rest, reflection
and recreation. Here we have the nucleus of Jewish theol-
ogy: one spiritual God, God of nature and man, transcen-
dental and immanent, who demands righteous living God
as glimpsed by man in the workings of nature and in the
life of man.

The Chapter I account of Creation gives tangible and easily
understandable form to these profound truths. The tale is
primarily an illustrative device; the theology is more im-
portant than the cosmology. What if the cosmology is out-
of-date? What if the world was not created in six days?
The theology is still true. Science gives its own, and prob-
ably truer, theory of the origin and process of the universe,
but science still finds system and order and pattern and uni-
versal law in operation, and therefore humbly admits that
there is nothing to disprove the awe-inspiring presence of
the Prime Mover which we call God.

Continuing in the Book of Genesis, we discover that the
romances which attach to the lives of the Bible Patriarchs
serve as object-lessons for the ethical and moral teachings
of the prophets. Abraham becomes a prototype of adven-
ture in religion which is characteristic in Biblical Judaism,
of faith in God, of hospitality, of self-sacrifice. Models of
morality that are too perfect fail to stimulate emulation:
therefore, the Jacob type has great appeal, since Jacob, at
first deceitful and unscrupulous, wrestles with his weakness
and shakes it off thereby giving courage to others who must
struggle against shortcomings. Jacob's descriptive name,
"Israel" which connotes his life-long combat against hostile
forces without and weaknesses within what is that but a
summation of the biography of the entire people of Israel
and of those forces which would destroy the historic group
and its religious purpose in the world ? In the incidents con-
nected with Joseph's career, we have a rebuke to those who
favor one child above the other, and also to boastf ulness ; but
more important are the virtues extolled strength against

66 THUS RELIGION GROWS

temptation, well-directed ambition, foresight, unswerving
family devotion, and faith in God's providence. In short, we
have in the Book of Genesis the developed communal con-
science and religion of the Jew.

Subsequent to the completion of the Pentateuch, the histori-
cal Books of the Bible Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings were
assuming their final form. In Chronicles, Ezra and Nehe-
miah, the history of Israel was rewritten, apparently by the
priestly group whose aim it was to put a moral into history.
Also the writings of the Prophets were being collected and
edited. The religious lyrics, known as Psalms, were growing
in number. Proverbial statements and apothegms were being
assembled as Wisdom Literature. All this final gathering-up
of later writings, of unconnected threads and loose ends was
the especial task of the scribes. Having begun after the time
of Ezra and Nehemiah, the work of assembling the final ma-
terial was completed about the end of the second century
B.C.E., to form the Bible.

Let us now follow the factors which led to the completion
of the Bible and the progressive making of Judaism.

The prophecy of Joel is of uncertain date but is thought
to belong to this period shortly after Ezra. It gives evidence
of the achieved tie-up of prophecy with the Temple ritual.
Joel tells of a terrible locust plague, dreadful in its devastation,
and one of its worst results he considers the lack of grain
and wine for the Temple sacrifices. Joel takes this plague
as a sign of the awful Day of the Lord, and bids men repent.
He reaches the level of prophecy when he pleads: "Rend
your heart, and not your garments, and turn to the Lord
your God" (Joel 2:13). A wind carries the locusts into the
sea; prosperity returns; and Joel looks to the time when
all mankind will be blessed with the spirit of God "And
your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, your old men
shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions (Joel
2 : 28). But Joel displays a narrow nationalism in his predic-
tion that on Judgment Day Israel's oppressors will be pun-
ished. A similar judgment on the nations is predicted by

EACH POEM A PRAYER 67

Obadiah in the shortest book of the Bible, consisting of only
one short chapter of twenty-one verses.

As though to protest against such narrow nationalism, we
have the Book of Jonah. The author tells the tale of Jonah
who seeks to escape from his God-given mission to go to
Nineveh and save the non-Jewish population by preaching
repentance. Jonah's cowardice induces God to show His
displeasure by whipping up a terrific storm while Jonah is
at sea ; Jonah, blamed for the storm, is thrown into the sea ;
he is swallowed by a whale (invented for the purposes of the
story), and deposited on the dry land. Jonah is compelled
to do God's bidding. The fact that the people of Nineveh
are not Jews makes no difference. God's love extends to
Jew and non-Jew. He will show his compassion to all who
repent of evil and do good.

19. EACH POEM A PRAYER

THE voice of the anonymous prophets is heard not only in
the words they spoke, in their didactic application of historic
traditions, in the laws they proclaimed, in the narratives they
recounted, but also in the Psalms they sang. Whilst most
of the Psalms are attributed to David (excepting one each to
Adam, Melchizedek, Abraham, Moses, Heman; several to
Jeduthun, Asaph, Korahites), specific references in them
make it clear that many were written hundreds of years after
David, as much as eight hundred years after his day. A num-
ber of Psalms undoubtedly do date to David, but the others
we might take as dedicated not attributed to David, the
heroic kingly singer and musician. The ideals expressed in
many of the later Psalms are patently those of the prophets.
The Service of the Temple included much more than the
sacrificial offerings. The halls of the Temple resounded with
the joyous music of the worshippers. In the First Temple,
the words of devotion were sung to the simple tunes the
people knew. In the Second Temple, the musical part of the
Service came into greater prominence. The Levites were ar-

68 THUS RELIGION GROWS

ranged in guilds to sing the Temple Psalms to the accompani-
ment of various wood and string and percussion instruments.
This specialized arrangement gave incentive to gather all the
Psalms and to preserve them, since they constituted the
Hymnal of the Second Temple. From the time the Temple
was restored (516 B.C.E) until about 150 B.C.E., these religious
songs were collected, edited, and new compositions were
added.

At first there seem to have been three groupings, or Books,
of collected Psalms, but in their final form the hundred and
fifty Psalms were divided into five Books. The individual
Psalms vary in length from one of a hundred and seventy-six
verses to one of only half a dozen verses.

Some of the Psalms are folk songs, spontaneous outpourings
of the heart ; others are artificial arrangements, employing
devices for effect, such as beginning each verse or each half
verse with succeeding letters of the alphabet. The subject
matter covers a multitude of themes: personal, communal,
national, ritual, natural, cosmic.

The Psalms must be visualized in their original settings.
How impressive the singing of the Levites must have been in
their processional to the Temple (Psalm 24: 7-10). Alter-
nating with solo and choral singing, they reach the closed
gates. The call rings out :

"Lift up your heads, O ye gates,
And be ye lifted up, ye everlasting doors,
And the King of Glory shall come in."

The voices within the gates question: "Who is the King
of Glory?" A powerful reply shakes the very gates:

"The Lord strong and mighty,
The Lord mighty in battle."

Then the whole populace responds :

"The Lord of Hosts,
He is the King of Glory !"

At this challenge the gates open to receive the singers and
worshippers.

EACH POEM A PRAYER 69

When each of the three Festivals of the year drew near,
the ardent ones of the outlying hamlets of Judea banded
together for the pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Cheered by their
festive journey they sang away the miles, touching on themes
of the moment. As they approached their destination, the
prospect of renewing friendships awakened a song (Psalm
131:1): "Behold, how good and how pleasant it is that
brethren should dwell together ! " And in the Service of the
Festival the special Hallel Psalms were sung, designated "Hal-
lei" because they begin or finish with the word "Hallelujah,"
a cue to praise the Lord.

Of enthralling beauty are those Psalms which describe the
grandeur and variety of nature, the created gifts of God. In
Psalm 104 (verses 1-3) we have a masterpiece:

"Bless the Lord, O my soul.

Lord my God, Thou art very great ;
Thou art clothed with honor and majesty :

Who coverest Thyself with light as with a garment ;

Who stretchest out the heavens like a curtain :

Who layeth the beams of His chambers in the waters ;

Who maketh the clouds His chariot;

Who walketh upon the wings of the wind ; . . ."

From acclaiming the foundations of the earth, the poet pro-
ceeds to the springs of the valleys which give drink to the
thirsty, to the grass that grows for the cattle, to the wine
which gladdens the heart of man, to the bread which
strengthens him. He points to the birds singing among the
branches, the lions seeking their food, man going to his labor.
Out of God's open hand all living things seek sustenance ;
by the breath of His spirit do they live. Enraptured, the
poet pours forth his gratitude :

"I will sing unto the Lord as long as I live ;

1 will sing praise to my God while I have my being.
My meditation of Him shall be sweet;

I will be glad in the Lord" (Psalm 104: 33, 34).

Also of the past glories of the nation from the days of the
Patriarchs, and of the Lord's goodness to Israel, did the Psalm-

70 THUS RELIGION GROWS

ists sing. Of national misfortunes, too, they sang, of distress
in exile, of the pain of later persecutions : then their songs
turned to the ideal day of the future when an ideal king will
reign over a happy people.

The lessons of personal experience likewise find a place
in the Psalms. Experience taught Psalmists that the wicked
inevitably suffer for their sins while the righteous are re-
warded. One Psalm tells of the great reward to be found in
observing the Law : "The Law of the Lord is perfect, restor-
ing the soul ; the testimony of the Lord is sure, making wise
the simple" (Psalm 19 : 7). The belief in the resurrection of
the dead is all but neglected by the Psalmists. But great
stress is placed on finding God and keeping close to Him, on
sharing the mystic's experience of communion with God.
Though God is mighty in works of nature, He is yet near to
the heart of man. This attachment to God we find pictured
in phrases of undying beauty in the well-known twenty-third
Psalm. We have it also in these verses (6, 7, 10) of the fifty-
first Psalm : "Behold, Thou desirest truth in the inward parts ;
and in the hidden part Thou shalt make me to know wisdom" ;
"Wash me, and I shall be whiter than snow" ; "Create in me a
clean heart, O God, and renew a right spirit within me."

So rich and vivid are the Psalms that it is difficult to call
a halt. The Psalms are indeed the heart of the Jew.
Through them he expresses all his emotions, hope and dis-
appointment, joy and sorrow. They are the truest index
of the religious life of ancient Jewry, for they are not simply
arguments about God nor exhortations to worship him : they
are the soul speaking to God, prayers, prayers in poetry.

For us of this modern day some of the Psalms arc difficult
to appreciate because of unknown specific events to which
they occasionally refer, or because of the thoughts they inti-
mate but do not develop, or because of their limited knowl-
edge of the scientific facts they mirror. What is really
amazing is the extent to which these Psalms, the majority of
them, are still in valued use today more than two thousand
years after the last one of them was written. That is their
strength: the Psalms are timeless.

WISDOM LITERATURE 71

One section of Biblical poetry, the Song of Songs, whose
date is uncertain, probably reached its final form in the gen-
eral gathering-up of the Persian period. What is not uncer-
tain is the beauty of the poetry. Originally, it may have been
a Palestinian wedding song, or a love lyric possibly immor-
talizing in verse the love between Solomon and the comely
Shulamite. Whatever the origin, the fine poetry was accepted
as a Book of the Bible because it was taken to express the
warm devotion of Israel to God, and of God to Israel.

2O. WISDOM LITERATURE, AND RELIGION S DEEPEST
PROBLEM

ANOTHER form of literature which was assuming completed
form during the fourth century B.C.E. is identified as Wisdom
Literature. The Hebrew word is "Mashal" : in its highest
form, it is philosophy ; in its earliest form, it is no more than
a stringing together of parables, riddles, fables. A heteroge-
neous range of these bits of wisdom is collected in the Book
of Proverbs. It is likely that a portion of the Book contains
the famed parables of King Solomon : that might account for
tradition's assigning the Book of Proverbs, as a unit, to the
authorship of that all-wise king. Another collection is said
to have been made in the seventh century B.C.E. under King
Hezekiah.

In the simple communal life of the Hebrews, if a person
found himself in a muddle, it was the natural thing for him
to go to an older person, one with experience, for advice. If
the advice was sound, which was not always the case, he who
gave it earned a reputation as a "hakam," a sage. Especially
wise was he if in uttering counsel he could turn it into a clever
phrase, simple but telling, not lacking in wit or banter. Thus
he became a proverb-maker. Slogans in those days were
no less popular than they are now. Hence slogans for guid-
ance in conduct, with their kernel of truth, were immediately
grasped and passed on by word of mouth from generation to
generation. The ease with which they could be picked up
in foreign territory, and remembered, makes it difficult to

72 THUS RELIGION GROWS

ascertain the land of origin of most proverbs : we therefore
find similarities between many of the Hebrew wise sayings
and those of Egypt, Babylonia and Greece.

The Book of Proverbs, though, is distinctive and differs
from the proverbs of other peoples in that, despite much that
is utilitarian or prudent, there is a definite religious appeal
hovering over the otherwise practical dicta. Wisdom is
recognized as a gift of God ; the foolish and the irreligious
are frequently linked together. The Book of Proverbs re-
ceives its Jewish stamp from advice of this sort :

"Trust in the Lord with all thine heart ;
And lean not unto thine own understanding.
In all thy ways acknowledge Him,
And He shall direct thy paths.
Be not wise in thine own eyes:
Fear the Lord and depart from evil.

The Lord by wisdom hath founded the earth ;
By understanding hath He established the
heavens" (Proverbs 3:5-7, 19).

The "Mashal" of the Bible reaches its highest form as phi-
losophyin the Book of Job, a poetic drama, with a prose
prologue and epilogue. The anonymous author of the Book
of Job, who, we judge, lived in the fifth century B.C.E.,
probes with consummate skill the deepest problem of religion.
So trenchant is the analysis, so daring are the ideas, and so
emotional are the climaxes, that Jewish tradition has assigned
the authorship to Moses, believing no one else capable of
such a masterpiece.

The old and familiar materials of the prologue open the
drama. In the court of heavenly beings, Satan refuses to be-
lieve in anyone serving God without some ulterior motive, but
God is convinced of the existence of disinterested virtue. An
experiment is to decide. Job, a faultless, God-fearing man,
is the victim of the experiment. God empowers Satan to
strip Job of his wealth, of his sons and his daughters yet Job
imputes no blame to God, but even in his grief utters words

WISDOM LITERATURE 73

of worship : "The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away,
blessed be the name of the Lord" (Job 1:21). Not satisfied,
Satan insists on inflicting physical injury: "Touch his bone
and his flesh, and he will curse Thee to Thy face" (Job 2:5).
When Job is accordingly smitten with elephantiasis, the most
dreaded disease of antiquity, his wife immediately upbraids
him : "Wilt thou still cling to thy piety ? Curse God, and
die !" (Job 2:9). But Job rebukes her : "Thou speakest as
an impious woman might speak. Should we accept the good
at God's hand, and not also the evil?" (Job 2 : 10).*

Job's torture grows. The three friends who had come to
condole with him have only cold comfort to give. They
prattle platitudes, the conventional ideas that if a man suffers
it is sure proof that he has sinned, that even to question the
justice of his punishment is sinful, and that his only hope lies
in repentance. To support their statements, old and wise
Eliphaz cites his own experience ; shallow Bildad quotes wise
saws of the past ; blunt Zophar roundly accuses Job of having
sinned, even if he himself is unaware of having done so. With
contempt, Job designates these "time-honored notions" as
"rubbish." ("Liars for God," Coleridge called the comfort-
ers.) All that his friends have to say, Job already knows.
He knows also that he has not sinned. He is bewildered.
Despite his friends' suspicions and accusations, Job repeatedly
insists on his innocence. That knowledge of his own integ-
rity emboldens him to challenge God. If God be just, His
inexplicable ruthlessness "the innocent and the wicked alike
doth He annihilate" (Job 9 .-22) requires an explanation.

To Job comes the enlightening realization that it is not
irreligious to struggle with his doubts. His absolute refusal
to blame himself, his daring to disbelieve the accepted ex-
planations, his courage to question God Himself these are
possible only because his conscience is clear. Strengthened
by the unshakable conviction that he is guiltless, as guiltless
as is humanly possible, he can stand up to man, to God and

* Where the quoted Job verses differ from the standard Bible transla-
tion, they follow the corrected translation of M. Buttenwieser ("The Book
of Job").

74 THUS RELIGION GROWS

to his fate without fear. Although afflicted physically, Job
can find strength and peace within himself. God is terrifying
for the wicked, but Job, at one with God, is unmoved : "I
will account to him for every one of my steps ; like a prince
will I approach him" (Job 31:37). Whatever fate may
bring to him from the world without, within his own heart
and mind the righteous one finds the reward of his right-
doing. That is the first conclusion that the drama of Job
reaches.

But what of the larger problem of physical misfortune?
From bitterly lamenting his fate, Job proceeds to plead with
God : "Doth it become Thee to crush me, and to despise the
work of Thy hands?" (Job 10: 3). Infinitely more power-
ful than man is God : His power and concern are not only
over man but also over the stars and sun and earth and sea and
all living things. There lies the answer ! "Lo, these wonders
are but the outer edges of His ways; only a small whisper
of Him do we catch. Who can perceive the thunder of His
omnipotence ?" (Job 26 : 14). God's powers are unrestrained
and His ways are "past knowledge."

The finite wisdom of man cannot penetrate the purpose of
the Infinite ; if the human intellect were not limited, but
could judge in terms of the Infinite, it would find that what
seems unjust in the laws of life is from the broader stand-
pointjust. This we know God has fixed laws for the
forces of nature, which nature dare not violate. Likewise are
inviolable laws fixed for man, and for him the supreme law is :
"The fear of God, that is wisdom, and to shun evil is under-
standing" (Job 28 128). The conclusion of the drama, Job's
unshakable faith, vindicates not only Job but also God's faith,
as it were, in man.

With a problem so searching, it was inevitable that those
whose spiritual depth was less than that of the author of the
Book of Job should misunderstand it. Therefore it is not
surprising that through scholarly analysis we find super-
fluous additions in the Book, of a later date, which modify the
original solution to the problem. The interpretations of Job
are many. One is: that he believed in an after-life where

JUDAISM VERSUS HELLENISM 75

righteousness would be rewarded; but this explanation is
not borne out by the text. Another is : that there is some-
thing deeper than reason and logic, a faith in the guidance of
a power greater than man, which enables man to live on
happily even though the riddle of the universe be hidden from
him. Still another is : that the Book is great because it ends
with a question mark, that it does not glibly find an answer
to an unanswerable problem. Whatever the interpretation,
all agree that the book of Job is one of the most profound
approaches to the problem of evil and suffering in a God-
governed world, as well as one of the greatest documents
of the Bible and, indeed, of all human creation.

21. JUDAISM VERSUS HELLENISM

THE developing tendencies in Judaism were being crystallized
during a period of which our historic records are few and
meagre. Perhaps in those years, no news was good news.
From all we know, so long as the Jews paid their tribute they
enjoyed comparative peace during most of the two centuries
of Persian control.

Then Persia tottered before the irresistible invasion of
Alexander the Great. In 333 B.C.E., Judea, a small parcel in
the conquest, was handed over to the Macedonian Empire.

There is a legend that during the campaign, when Alexander
reached the outer walls of Jerusalem to demand submission,
the high priest headed a procession to meet the conqueror. In
extending greetings, the high priest interpreted a vision as a
prediction of victory for Alexander over the Persians. Alex-
ander was so impressed that, having come to destroy Jerusa-
lem, he remained to worship. In a practical way, too, he
expressed his pleasure by exempting the Judeans from paying
taxes during the Sabbatical Year. Behind the legend is the
truth that the Jewish people were well treated by Alexander
the Great. As far as external conditions were concerned,
the change from Persian to Greek control involved only a
change in the recipient of the tribute. But not so the re-
ligious life.

76 THUS RELIGION GROWS

In conquering countries it was Alexander's purpose to win
them for Greek civilization. At various centers he erected
arenas to stage Greek athletic spectacles, theatres to produce
Greek drama, libraries to hold Greek literature and art,
temples to harbor Greek gods. The finest of these he built
in Alexandria, the city near the mouth of the Nile, which
was dedicated to him. Hellas is the name for Greece ; Hel-
lenes is the name for the Greeks ; hence, the Greek influence
which swept over Egypt and Syria is known as Hellenism.
Prior to the Macedonian conquest, Jews had lived in contact
with Greeks, and had rigidly maintained their isolation. But
now Hellenism became a serious rival of Judaism.

Alexander proved a brilliant meteor that soon burned out.
In 323 B.C.E., at the age of 34, he died, and his empire was
divided among his three generals. One gained possession of
the European area ; another, Ptolemy, ruled over Egypt ;
the third, Seleucus, acquired Syria and the Persian land.
What about Judea ? It lies between Egypt and Syria ... a
good enough cause for a war of some twenty years' duration.
The immediate victory went to Egypt. From 301 to 198
B.C.E., Egypt was the recognized, but not undisputed, master
over Palestine.

Both Egypt and Syria made bids for the good-will of Judea.
The Ptolemies invited the Jews to come and settle in Alex-
andria, Egypt, there to enjoy rights equal to those of the
Greeks. Large numbers availed themselves of the oppor-
tunity and in an amazingly short time Alexandria became a
great Jewish center, second in importance only to Jerusalem.

The Seleucids of Syria extended a competitive invitation
for the Jews to inhabit Antioch, which had the advantage of
proximity to Judea. In the tug of war between Egypt and
Syria, when Antiochus the Great of Syria wrested Judea from
Egypt, in 198 B.C.E., he extended full religious freedom to the
Jews, exempting the Temple and priests from taxation, mak-
ing it an offence for non-Jews to enter the Temple, and he
issued a prohibition against anyone bringing ritually unclean
animals to Jerusalem. These laws were welcome, unquestion-
ably, but Hellenism lurked in the background. Through this

JUDAISM VERSUS HELLENISM 77

double-barrelled kindness, Judaism was being exposed to dan-
ger. As we shall soon discover, Judaism was almost killed
with kindness.

Hellenism was too temptingly attractive. It was all for
the development of the physique; it placed a premium on
etiquette, finesse, beauty; it was enamored of the arts; it
encouraged philosophy: nothing seriously wrong or sinful.
But Hellenism was more than this ; it carried a sting. Equally
important and inseparable was the accompanying Greek re-
ligion : the immoral Dionysus (deity of life) worship, analo-
gous to the Baal obscenities ; the crude Demeter (deity of
fertility) worship, just another version of the Babylonian
Ishtar ; hosts of other deities ; secret cults with esoteric doc-
trines and depraved practices. Unfortunately, by the time
Greek culture came in close enough contact with Judaism
to be of influence, it had lost the glory of the earlier philoso-
phers ; it now encouraged loose and careless living ; it lacked
the moral discipline of Judaism. To fall into this trap would
be, for Jews, a drop far below the level to which the prophets
and poets and law-givers had succeeded in raising them.; The
religious achievement of centuries would be undone. ^

Here is one way of appraising the danger : Hellenism'^was
the product partly good and partly bad of city-life ; Juda-
ism had proven its strength for nomadic shepherds and it had
avoided the pitfalls of agricultural communities ; could it now
prevail against the distractions of city-life, could it establish
the validity of a practical, yet uplifting, religion for the city-
dweller? The lure was attractive; but happily, the resist-
ance which had been built up proved equal to the temptation.

In retrospect, we know which side won out. But at the
time, the result was far from predictable. For a long stretch,
Hellenism was gaining ground. With unhealthy avidity
many Jews adopted Greek names, games, sectarian philosophi-
cal vagaries.

In Alexandria the Hebrew language was forgotten so
quickly that a Greek translation of the Torah became neces-
sary. Under the encouragement of Ptolemy Philadelphus
(285-247 B.C.E.) the Books of Moses were translated, and at

78 THUS RELIGION GROWS

later dates the rest of the Bible was put into Greek. A
romantic tale would have us believe that when the librarian
of Alexandria expressed his desire for a copy of the Jewish
Bible, Ptolemy Philadelphus invited seventy-two sages, six of
each tribe, to be his guests and to make the translation into
Greek. Separately and in seclusion the scholars labored for
seventy-two days ; when their work was finished, the seventy-
two copies were compared and found to be alike in every
regard. Hence, the Greek translation came to be known as
the Bible of the Seventy, or the Septuagint, symbolized as
LXX. The real origin of the name may derive from the
authorization or approval it received from the seventy elders.

The Septuagint is the very first translation of the Bible.
It is indispensable to modern scholarship because, the original
Hebrew copy having been lost, the Septuagint gives the best
indication of what the original must have been, although in-
accuracies in translation and an unfortunate tampering with
the text must be discounted. In the period of its creation the
Septuagint was important because this Greek version was read
at the synagogue Service, rather than the Hebrew original
which the masses could not understand. Moreover, it served
as a basis for Hellenistic Judaism.

In Judea the Temple retained its prominence. Provincial
folk of Judea still looked forward to their pilgrimages to the
Jerusalem sanctuary for the three yearly Festivals. On the
Day of Memorial and the Day of Atonement, the priestly
pomp and ceremony were thrilling to behold. If anything,
the Temple gained in official importance, since the high priest
now served not only as religious leader but also as civic rep-
resentative of the Judean Jews and as the one person whom
the Ptolemies recognized as the responsible head.

Despite the official supremacy of the Temple, it was the
synagogue that afforded intimate religious expression for the
masses. Not permitted to erect a sanctuary which might
rival the Jerusalem Temple, it became imperative for Jews in
distant communities to establish local centers of worship, syna-
goguesminiature or lesser sanctuaries like those in
Babylon.

JUDAISM VERSUS HELLENISM 79

The grandeur to which some of the early synagogues rose
may be judged by a description of the grandest of them all,
the Alexandrian synagogue. It is said to have contained
seventy-one golden seats for the elders, the main floor and
double gallery for the assemblage. Those who belonged to
a particular trade occupied seats reserved for that trade, so
that a stranger seeking employment or companionship would
take his place amongst those of his occupation and thus be-
come acquainted. There was a wooden platform in the cen-
ter of the synagogue, on which a flag was waved as a signal
to the congregation when it was time to respond "Amen"
so large, presumably, was the auditorium.

Notwithstanding the impressiveness of Temple ritual and
the elegance of synagogue architecture, Hellenism was stead-
ily making inroads, as is plain to see in one of the latest Books
of the Bible, written at the end of the third century B.C.E.
Koheleth is the Hebrew name of the Book ; the word seems
to mean "one who addresses a gathering," hence a teacher or
lecturer, and thus, through Greek, the Book acquires the name
Ecclesiastes, "The Preacher." Ecclesiastes comes under the
category of Wisdom Literature, because of its philosophic
tendency. But the philosophy shows a decided Hellenistic
bent. Complaint of boredom with a monotonous and mean-
ingless world is un-Jewish.

The Book opens with a calm though hopeless pessimism
(Eccl. i : 2, 3, 9) : "Vanity of vanities; all is vanity. What
profit hath a man of all his labor which he taketh under the
sun? The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be;
and that which is done, is that which shall be done : and there
is no new thing under the sun." Seeking to find meaning
in the seeming emptiness of life, the Preacher turns to wis-
dom, only to learn that "he that increaseth knowledge in-
creaseth sorrow" (Eccl. i: 18). Then he inquires of the
other extreme, of utter folly in the mad search for pleasure,
but this vain straining ends in nothing better than "vexation
of spirit." Of the two, wisdom is preferable: "the wise
man's eyes are in his head ; but the fool walketh in darkness"
(Eccl. 2 : 14). But what's the good? They both end the

80 THUS RELIGION GROWS

same way. Both are forgotten in time. The painstaking
achievement of the wise man may be dissipated by a foolish
son. Men and beasts alike die: all go to one place, to the
dust whence they came. When Ecclesiastes thinks of the
poverty and oppression of life, he deems death better than
birth. The miserly hoarding of wealth does not guarantee
happiness "the sleep of a laboring man is sweet, whether he
eat little or much: but the abundance of the rich will not
suffer him to sleep" (Eccl. 5 : 12). "The race is not to the
swift, nor the battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the
wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favor
to men of skill ; but time and chance happeneth to them all"
(Eccl. 9 : 1 1 ) . The irony of fate ! What sense is there in
living the righteous life? To strengthen the argument, the
author of the Book puts these despairing words in the mouth
of Solomon, the wise and wealthy king, who had lived life to
the full and therefore spoke with the authority of experience.
Here is skeptical, fatalistic Hellenism grappling with Juda-
ism. It sees no progress, no justice, no hope, and therefore
no meaning in life but to eat, drink, and enjoy whatever
pleasures chance may bring. Although Ecclesiastes presents
this outlook very clearly, almost convincingly so convinc-
ingly, in fact, that many Bible scholars believe the solution
not his own, but that of some interpolator he ultimately
finds himself on some solid ground in Judaism. His trust in
God is unshakable : an all-powerful God created the world,
and, whereas to us He appears indifferent, His must be a
purpose deeper than that which man can discern. "That
which is far off, and exceeding deep, who can find it out ?"
(Eccl. 7: 24). Yes, "man should eat and drink, and should
make his soul enjoy the good of all his labor ... it was from
the hand of God" (Eccl. 2 : 24). Whatever be the end of
life, the opportunity to enjoy one's days comes from God ;
man should take advantage of it. One all-encompassing
economy rules the earth : "the profit of the earth is for all"
(Eccl. 5:9). "In the day of prosperity be joyful, but in the
day of adversity consider: God also hath set the one over
against the other" (Eccl. 7 : 14). Human experience teaches

THE SCRIBES CHAMPION JUDAISM 81

us how best to conduct our lives, it teaches prudence, modera-
tion, calm, reverence. There is a time for every purpose and
every work such work as comes to hand we should not
only do but enjoy.

The Book ends with the conclusion of the whole matter,
"Fear God, and keep His commandments for this is the whole
duty of man. For God shall bring every work into judg-
ment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether
it be evil" (Eccl. 12: 13, 14). This conclusion, we have
observed, is by certain scholars adjudged a later addition,
seeing that it is contrary to the challenging spirit of Ecclesi-
astes but without the reverent conclusion, it is fairly certain
that Ecclesiastes would have been excluded from the Bible ;
even as it is, its undisputed acceptance did not come until the
Book was about three hundred years old : therefore the Book
of Ecclesiastes must be considered in its entirety, and in the
light of the epilogue whether original or interpolated must
be regarded as the battle-ground for the tussle between the
philosophy of Hellenism and the way of Judaism.

22. THE SCRIBES CHAMPION JUDAISM

WHAT was first a tussle soon grew into a life and death com-
bat. A sturdy barrier against the encroachment of Hellen-
ism was built up by the beginning of the second century
B.C.E., by Joshua ben Sira. His book of essays, which was
subsequently given the inaccurate and cacophonous name
Ecclesiasticus, is not only a bulwark against Hellenism but
also an encyclopedia of information regarding the shaping of
Judaism during this formative period. And yet, his book
was not voted worthy of inclusion in the Bible. It apparently
lacked antiquity : it did not attribute authorship to a hero of
the past to Solomon, for instance, as in the case of Ecclesi-
astes. Ben Sira was too well known to his contemporaries
who with him were engaged in the selecting and editing
process of bringing the Bible to its final form. Familiarity
may or may not breed contempt but it certainly can disen-
chant. To justify the exclusion of the Book of Ben Sira,

82 THUS RELIGION GROWS

the authorities exposed supposed shortcomings for instance,
that it placed too much stress on Aaron and yet not enough
on the Messiah and the future life. Exclusion meant neglect,
and during the Middle Ages the Hebrew version of the book
was actually lost, so that our knowledge of it comes through
the Church which preserved the Greek translation made in
Alexandria by Ben Sira's grandson.

The Book of Ben Sira is listed as Wisdom Literature. It
teaches through pithy epigrams, such as Ben Sira might have
clipped off for his disciples in Jerusalem. Not abstract phi-
losophy does it teach, but practical rules of conduct. Let it
not be thought, however, that wisdom is simply the prudent
choice between good and evil. Rather is it something divine.
It emanates from God: through it God fashioned creation.
Wisdom is an attribute of God at the same time that it is the
highest glory of man. What man knows is a reflection from
the greater wisdom of the divine. Ben Sira is not opposed to
philosophy but to the metaphysical meanderings of the Greeks.
It is his purpose to show that such esoteric knowledge is be-
yond man ; the revelation from God, the Torah alone, is the
wisdom allotted to man in that, Jewish Wisdom is superior
to Hellenic. It is superior because it is specific revelation.

Here is the chain of reasoning : God is all, and more than
all ; He is both immanent and transcendent, expressing Him-
self through nature, but is greater than nature; His special
relationship to Israel is in the gift of the Torah, through
Moses : through fulfilling the Law of the Torah the specific
revelation man comes to experience the blessings of life.
The discipline of the Torah places a restraint upon his evil
inclinations ; it strengthens him ; it increases the scope of his
life. Evil is largely the creation of man, arising from his
imperfections, passion and greed, and requires correction
through obedience to the Torah. Free-will is given to man
and this makes him responsible for his conduct but also gives
him the chance genuinely to repent of his sins through the
merit of jjpod deeds and then God in His mercy will forgive
him. HealtH is a blessing, a reward, which is achieved
through prayer, and God's aid reposes in the skill of the

THE SCRIBES CHAMPION JUDAISM 83

physician. Ben Sira's attitude toward death is brave : he re-
jects resurrection, Hell or Sheol, since punishment and reward
are to be found in this life ; be prepared, he teaches, firmly to
face the future.

It is in this world that Ben Sira looks for the reward of
correct conduct. The wicked seem to get away with their
designs, yes, and enjoy their ill-gotten advantage : be not
envious ; be patient ; what happens at the end ? When he
appears invincible, what happens? "A suspicion of disease
defieth the physician king today, and tomorrow dead ! "
(10: 10). For every man that practices righteousness there
is a reward. And even after death, the good man leaves
a good name, an unblemished reputation which redounds
to the glory of children. There is solid sense in the
way Ben Sira, avoiding the dangers of far-flung fantasies,
brings religion to a practical level, the level of daily life, in
every detail, to the finest points of etiquette. The family is
for him very important "get thee a wife, the choicest pos-
session" (36 : 24) but there is nothing as bad as a bad wife,
for then, "the husband sits among his friends and without
motive he sighs" (25 : 18). Loud laughter he cannot abide ;
a faint smile should be the limit. Ben Sira sees no reason for
refusing to enjoy food or music : it is a delight to have both
together, but what torture to have to listen to table chatter,
when music is playing. Table manners forbid one, the mo-
ment seated, from eyeing the table, and from commenting,
"How much meat there is on the table" (31 : 12). Stretch-
ing for food or gulping it down are likewise vulgar. For Ben
Sira, the righteous man is sociable while sedate ; charitable
while discriminating, and of healthy conscience.

Ben Sira gives us a most complete picture of the new type
of leadership in Judaism. Whilst the Temple activities were
in the hands of the priests, the synagogue, the more demo-
cratic institution, developed under the leadership of the scribes,
some of them priests as well. The book reveals to what ex-
tent the scribes, adhering to the example of Ezra, were
organized in selecting, absorbing and imparting the teachings
of the Bible, now all but completed. Ben Sira himself was

84 THUS RELIGION GROWS

a Sofer, a profound student and interpreter of the Law.
With personal knowledge he presents the brief for the scribe,
the man who concentrates his thought on the Law of God :
"He will seek out the wisdom of all the ancients, and occupy
himself with the study of prophecies, and pay attention to
expositions of famous men, and will penetrate into the elusive
turns of parables. . . He will make public the instruction he
has to impart and his pride will be in the Law of the covenant
of the Lord" (39: 1-3, 8).

It is important to remember that, at this early date, schools
for the detailed study of Judaism were already established in-
stitutions. His own school Ben Sira called a Yeshibah and
a Bet ha-Medrash, names which have ever since denoted higher
schools of Jewish learning. Law was the subject of study,
Law in the broadest sense ritual, moral, juridical and busi-
ness law. Law scrupulous to the utmost detail, as, for ex-
ample, in the requirement that a tradesman dust his scales
and balances and wipe off his measures and weights regularly,
to ensure honesty.

With the deterioration of the priesthood, the scribes
mounted in prestige and leadership until, by the time of the
destruction of the Second Temple, in the year 70 C.E. (Com-
mon or Christian Era), they became, under the new title of
Tannaim, triumphant interpreters of Judaism.

23. THE ISSUE DRAWN: HASIDIM AND MACCABEES BATTLE
HELLENISM

THE deterioration of the priesthood set in very soon after Ben
Sira's day. Syrian Seleucids now had their innings in pos-
sessing Judea. The Syrian form of Hellenism had none of
the redeeming qualities which were to be found in Alexandria.
It was a vicious distortion, which made Hellenism synony-
mous with an unbridled life. It was this that ate into the
morale of the priesthood, since the priests the aristocrats
strove to qualify as one-hundred-percent Hellenists. A day
of reckoning had to come. It did, in the following succession
of events.

THE ISSUE DRAWN 85

In Jerusalem, Simon, a priest with Hellenist aspirations,
opposed the pious, anti-Hellenist Onias III whom the people
had elected high priest. The Syrian Emperor, Seleucus IV,
because of a battle his father had lost, was obliged to pay
the Romans a heavy indemnity. Seizing the opportunity of
currying favor with the impoverished emperor, and ignoring
the discipline of Judaism, Simon lost no time in acquainting
the Syrians with the treasures of the Temple, and even sug-
gested that the high priest was wilfully concealing them.
Thereupon a Syrian emissary was sent to seize the roost, but
failed because of a miracle, says a tradition. Nevertheless,
Simon had branded Onias III a traitor ; therefore pious Onias
set out to interview Seleucus IV, but the latter was assassinated
before his arrival. Antiochus Epiphanes now (175 B.C.E.)
became emperor, and it was in his eyes that Onias had to
vindicate himself. But to complicate matters, Onias' brother,
Jason, a Hellenist leader, also came to the capital at Antioch,
hoping to depose his brother. As bait Jason offered a large
bribe and a program to hellenize Jewry, in exchange for the
office of high priest. Antiochus gladly accepted. He cleared
Onias out of the way and Jason he appointed high priest
the first high priest not chosen by the Jews themselves.

With zeal Jason busied himself hellenizing Jerusalem. He
established a gymnasium adjacent to the Temple, to which
the priests hurried after performing their Temple duties with
indecent haste. Jason went so far as to send a good-will
sacrifice to the heathen altar at Tyre. Hellenism now hav-
ing become identified with opportunism, there was no reason
why the Hellenist priest Menelaus, a brother of the earlier
aspirant Simon, should not offer Antiochus a larger sum for
the office of high priest. That he had to rob the Temple
treasures to raise the sum, and to murder Onias for daring to
object, did not matter. Jason was deposed and Menelaus, the
higher bidder, became high priest. Now it was Jason's move.
Disgruntled, he seized his opportunity when Emperor An-
tiochus was reported killed in battle, and with the aid of an
army expelled Menelaus. But Antiochus was not dead ; quite
alive, with the breath of war in his nostrils, he bore down

86 THUS RELIGION GROWS

upon Jerusalem to punish Jason, to plunder the Temple, to
shed blood. In 168 B.C.E., smarting under a humiliation in
Egypt, Antiochus, homeward bound, trampled upon Jeru-
salem, venting his fury. Determined to crush Judaism, he
ordered that the literature of Judaism be confiscated, that a
penalty of death be imposed on any one adhering to Jewish
observances, that Jews be forced to sacrifice to the Greek
deities, that the very Temple be given over to the worship of
Zeus, to sacrifices of swine and the carousal of harlots. Lit-
tle wonder that a Roman historian nicknamed this emperor,
Antiochus "Epimanes" (the "crazy one") instead of "Theos
Epiphanes" (the "god made manifest"), the rather ambitious
title Antiochus had applied to himself. With the masses of
Judea he had indeed reached the limit !

Antiochus miscalculated the strength of the Jews. True,
they had no army to speak of, but they had built up what is
more powerful than an army : a determination that the religion
must survive, defended, if need be, by their very lives. The
flirtation of the upper classes with Hellenism had stimulated
a counter movement of greater piety and more ardent devo-
tion to Judaism. The labors of Ezra and Ben Sira and of the
other scribes and teachers had taken root. A group called
Hasidim, the Pious, could now be distinguished. Their life
was wrapped up in the Torah and in devotion to that which
they held to be pure Judaism. The Hasidim were not a sect
nor a political party but a body of the faithful, who delighted
to observe the Law in every strict detail for example, in
some instances they were willing to die rather than violate the
prohibition against eating swine-flesh. In the earlier stages
of the Syrian oppression the Hasidim resorted to passive re-
sistance; many fled to the wilderness; others perished as
martyrs.

The loss of national independence, now a matter of hun-
dreds of years, was saddening to the Pious, but endurable;
but a direct move to strangle the religion was for them catas-
trophic beyond endurance. Antiochus did not realize with
what he was tampering.

When in the small town Modin, the aged priest Mattathias

THE ISSUE DRAWN 87

tore down a newly erected Greek altar and shouted defiance
(I Mac. 2 : 27) "Whosoever is zealous of the law and main-
tained! the covenant, let him follow me!" that outcry re-
sounded over the hills of Judea and rallied the Pious to the
defense of the Torah. In retaliation, the punitive Syrian army
staged one of its first attacks on the Sabbath, and the Pious,
not to desecrate the Sabbath, would not lift a finger in de-
fense. That compelled Mattathias to enact a special regula-
tion allowing battle on the Sabbath in defense of life.

When, after a few months, Mattathias died, his stalwart son
Judah inherited the leadership. A great warrior he was, perhaps
the greatest of Jewish history, fighting as he did, and defeat-
ing trained and fully-equipped Syrian armies six times the
size of his own. He was given the name "Maccabee," which
means a "hammer" others explain the word as the Hebrew
abbreviation of his defense slogan : "Who is like unto Thee
among the gods, O Lord ! " and the name Maccabean has be-
come affixed to the entire episode.

After three years' valiant fighting, Judah gained the Tem-
ple hill, and although unable to drive the Syrians out of their
Jerusalem garrison, he directed his attention to cleansing the
defiled Temple, clearing out every last trace of the Greek
idolatry, building a new altar to God. On the twenty-fifth
day of Kislev, 165 B.C.E., the Temple was reconsecrated, and
the Feast of Dedication (Hanukkah) was joyously celebrated
for eight days, a Feast which has become an annual institution
in Judaism. This occasion well deserved immortalization, not
so much because of the military victory the victory, in fact,
was by no means complete but because the crisis tested the
strength of the Jewish religion and found it strong. Perse-
cution of the people was not the novel feature of the crisis.
Without precedent was the persecution of the religion, the
direct campaign to annihilate the religion of the Jew and it
failed. The success of the Maccabees constituted a victory
not only for Judaism, but in a larger sense a victory for
democracy, for freedom of conscience and religious prefer-
ence, for honest and qualified leadership, against the evils of
dictatorship.

88 THUS RELIGION GROWS

The teachers of the Law finally made Judaism water-tight.
Second-rate Hellenism, whether gently lapping at the barriers
of Judaism or crashing at them with thunderous waves, could
not water down the pure strength of Judaism. Whatever
had penetrated they forced out.

What helped make Judaism water-tight were the traditions
which circulated among the Pious. Heroic tales were re-
layed of one, Daniel, who lived some four hundred years
previously, in those equally tragic days of the Babylonian
exile, when the Temple was desecrated and the Jews op-
pressed. The nobleman Daniel and three other Jews were
taken captive by Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king.
Even in captivity they remained steadfast; every require-
ment of religious observance demanded by the Law they ful-
filled the daily provision of the king's meat and wine they
would not taste, lest they defile themselves with forbidden
food. Wise as well as pious was Daniel. He demonstrated
his wisdom by his skill in interpreting the king's fantastic
dream, as revealing the impending fate of four empires, one
upon the other. For such wisdom, Daniel and his friends
were amply rewarded. But on another occasion, when the
king commanded all people to prostrate themselves and wor-
ship a golden image he had set up, and the three companions
of Daniel refused to obey, he had them cast into a fiery fur-
nace. They feared not: God, whose Law they observed,
would save them. So He did, through the help of an angel ;
the fire was powerless, not even their hair did it singe, nor
did their clothes smell of fire. Once again the king dreamt,
this time of a tree which grew to heaven only to be cut down,
which dream Daniel interpreted as the impending fall of the
kingdom. Again, at the gorgeous feast of Belshazzar, Daniel
read the "writing on the wall" to mean that the king had
been "weighed in the balances and found wanting" (Daniel
5 : 27). True enough, Darius the Mede did conquer Baby-
lonia.

Darius then was prevailed upon to establish a statute that
for thirty days whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or
man other than of Darius the king shall be thrust into the

THE ISSUE DRAWN 89

den of lions. Regardless of the decree, Daniel openly con-
tinued his usual practice of facing Jerusalem for his prayers
to God, thrice daily. There was no cause for Daniel to fear,
for, being thrown into the lions' den for punishment, he found
the protection of God's angel who helpfully shut the lions'
mouths. So impressed was Darius that he proclaimed the God
of Daniel the living God.

To Daniel himself came dreams or visions, four of them,
which, in the form of symbols and riddles, predicted the suc-
cessive rise and fall of the four empires under whose control
the Jews came even to Antiochus Epiphanes, "a vile per-
son," who is destined to come to a helpless end. Ultimately,
the angel Michael, guardian of Israel, will appear at a time of
great trouble, such as never was before, "and many of them
that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to ever-
lasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt"
(Daniel 12 : 2).

Hiding in their retreats, scrupulously adhering to the Law,
waiting for the deliverance God would bring in some mar-
velous manner, the pious Hasidim never tired listening to a
recital of Daniel's exploits and visions. Weighed down by
the pressure Antiochus imposed, they needed some bracing.
Forced to face the final test of allegiance martyrdom their
will had to be steeled. What could strengthen the determi-
nation more effectively than the ideal embodied in an ex-
ample, such as Daniel provided !

In the heat of the excitement, at the time (or just prior to
the time) Judah the Maccabee won and rededicated the Tem-
ple, these traditions of Daniel were collected, and then pre-
served as a Book of the Bible. Historic and literary study
an analysis of the style, the use of Aramaic at times instead of
Hebrew, the trend of thought, the inaccuracies and improba-
bilities prove the Book of Daniel not a prediction of what
was to happen during the four hundred years from the Baby-
lonian Exile until the Maccabean uprising, but rather an inter-
pretation, in the light of the Maccabean crisis, of what had
happened during those centuries, an interpretation expressed
for the sake of vividness, as though it were being predicted.

90 THUS RELIGION GROWS

In the minds and souls of the Pious, however, Daniel was
real. His piety served as a compelling model for their un-
swerving piety. His vision of Antiochus' defeat, of the Mes-
sianic age near at hand, of the resurrection of the righteous
dead, this vision fired them with courage in the hour of
greatest need ; if die they must, they shall not have died in
vain. "Those that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake,
some to everlasting life" this first clear reference in the
Bible to resurrection and eternal reward nourished hope, a
hope born in the extremity of martyrdom. Daniel, in short,
lived in the very lives of the Hasidim. Thus inspired, the
Hasidim achieved their immediate goal : the emancipation of
their religion. And if they did not inaugurate the Messianic
age, they did at any rate bring humanity one step nearer the
visionary goal.

24. JUDAISM EMERGES PURGED

SOON after the reconsecration of the Temple, Antiochus
Epiphanes died, but that did not mean the end of Syrian
provocation. True, a manner of peace was declared in 163
B.C.E., allowing Jews full freedom to live their Judaism ; this
came after they had all but lost the ground they had gained,
and was made only because the Syrian army had to return to
put its own house in order. Incidentally, before leaving, the
Syrian General slew Menelaus, the pro-Hellenist high priest :
he had had enough of him. But a new aspirant to the priest-
hood, named Alcimus, instigated further trouble. Because
Alcimus was a descendant of the legitimate priestly house of
Aaron, the Hasidim were the first to make peace with him,
but, losing no time in showing himself a pro-Hellenist, Al-
cimus treacherously killed sixty scribes and many of the
Pious who had placed themselves in his hands. He called the
Syrians to his support, and as a result of that foolish act Gen-
eral Nicanor was sent with a formidable army and a determi-
nation to round up Judah the Maccabee and his brothers, as
well as to destroy the Temple. In defeating Nicanor, Judah
won the greatest battle of his career. The day of the victory,
the thirteenth of Adar, was ordained an annual festival.

JUDAISM EMERGES PURGED 91

Two months later, while fighting against impossible odds,
Judah died. His youngest brother Jonathan managed to
achieve something in reconstructing the Jewish state by keep-
ing friendly with the right side in the turmoil going on in
Syria. He was acknowledged high priest, showered with
honors, and then treacherously slain. His brother Simon,
who followed as leader and high priest, did finally gain inde-
pendence for Judea, through negotiations and treaties. No
more tribute was to be paid to Syria. The burden was lifted.
"The yoke of the heathen was taken away from Israel" (I
Mace. 13 : 41). There was even an increase in the Judean
territory. So auspicious were those days that the reign
of Simon was counted a new era, all documents to begin their
dating with the year 142 B.C.E.

The Hellenist party had now melted away. They were
either absorbed by the enemy or they merged with loyalist
kmfolk. But the tendency to pro-Hellenism did not entirely
die out ; it reappeared in another party which was forming,
of which we shall read later on. The party of the Hasidim
had also passed out of the limelight. They had achieved their
object: religious freedom and undiluted Judaism. As soon
as the religious objective had been gained the Hasidim with-
drew their support. When, therefore, the Maccabees con-
tinued to fight and intrigue for only national gains, they in-
curred the ill-will of the Hasidim. Political quarrels and
aspirations did not concern them ; their work was finished.
But of the Hasidim, too, we shall read more later on, when
they reappear under another name.

All in all, the Maccabean struggle purged and strengthened
the religion. The weak-willed had an opportunity to leave ;
the dead twigs were cut off, thus enabling the trunk of Juda-
ism to grow more firmly and more vigorously. A period of
tremendous roagandist_zeal followed. The zeal overflowed
into numerous religious documents. The Book of Daniel has
already been mentioned. Many of the Psalms, those which
encourage steadfast devotion to the Law and some which
speak of persecution, belong to the Maccabean age.

The Book of Esther was probably written in these years, as

92 THUS RELIGION GROWS

a narrative to reinforce the prayerful _hoj>e L.for_deliverance
even in darkest days, and to teacn the need of loyalty among
Jews, few and dispersed as they are. The story of Esther is
supposed to have taken place when the Jews were under Per-
sian rule, possibly during the first part of the fourth century
B.C.E. It tells of the lot cast by wicked Haman, the king's
advisor, for the execution of all the Jews ; the lot singles out
the thirteenth day of Adar. But through pious Mordecai's
prompting, the king's beautiful Jewish wife, Esther, who is
Mordecai's cousin, intervenes and saves her co-religionists.
To commemorate the deliverance the annual festival of Purim
("casting of lots") is ordained for Adar the fourteenth. The
coincidence in the date of the festival arising from General
Nicanor's defeat by the Maccabees (Adar 13) with the date
of Esther's festival (Adar 14) may possibly connect the Purim
celebration with the victory over Nicanor. Whatever the
connection or origin, the oppressions narrated in the Book of
Esther are reminiscent of recurring crises in the struggle of
the Jewish people to live on as a minority group, and of the
loyalty required. Therefore Purim has told and retold its
tale of hope to many generations.

25. THE BIBLE COMPLETED

Now the Bible was completed. All the Books had been writ-
ten. For some time there remained a good deal of uncer-
tainty which books should be included in the Bible
collection, and which excluded. There was much argument
and debate. Some thought the Book of Esther not religious
enough in tone : not once did it mention God. Others ob-
jected to the lugubrious Book of Ecclesiastes ; others, to the
Song of Songs. Legend relates that the Book of Ezekiel,
because of certain teachings contrary to the Pentateuch, was
in danger of exclusion and was retainedonly because Rabbi
Hananiah ben Hezekiah had a suppl^Tff^fS^TSHidred jars
of midnight oil to burn, until he had succeeded in harmonizing
Ezekiel with the Pentateuch. The Books of Moses and the
Propfietic BooETiadF Been for some time definitely estab-

THE BIBLE COMPLETED 93

lished, and accepted. But the later inclusions were really not
decided upon, once for all, until the time of Rabbi Akiba, at
the beginning of the second century C.E., and he decided not
so much which books to include, but how many to exclude.
Of the excluded books, some were recognized as closer to the
spirit of Judaism than others ; the Book of Ben Sira, for ex-
ample, hung in the balance for generations and was perhaps
the last to be excluded. Other books, some taking their cue
from the eschatological and apocalyptic elements of Daniel,
strayed wide from the accepted norm of Judaism, and their
exclusion came with little hesitation.

A number of the books excluded from the Hebrew Bible
became attached to the Greek translation, the Septuagint,
and are known as the apocryphal books. Apocrypha means
"hidden away." These writings are characterized as "hidden
away" because, not held sacred in the sense that Bible Books
are sacred, they were stored away, or possibly secreted away
as dangerous to the unscholarly ; as a result, they may have
come to be considered hidden because they became so rare.
In some instances, the actual origin or authorship is concealed,
hence, "hidden away." Many of the books were written in
Hebrew ; others in Greek and under Greek influence.

The apocryphal books vary considerably among themselves,
but in general one may characterize them as revolving about
these central ideas : a high regard for the Law, great interest
in the after-life where the righteous are rewarded and the
wicked punished, salvation of the nation through a Messiah,
the resurrection of the righteous dead to enjoy the happiness
of those days after the final judgment shall have taken place
and God's Kingdom become established on earth. It is suf-
ficient, in passing, to point out that some of the apocryphal
books are historic in nature, such as I Esdras and I, II Mac-
cabees ; some are poetic and resemble prophecy, such as the
Prayer of Azariah (also called the Song of Three Children),
the Prayer of Manasses, the Book of Baruch, the Epistle of
Jeremy ; others belong to Wisdom Literature, such as the
important Wisdom of Ben Sira (Ecclesiasticus), the Wisdom
of Solomon; some are propagandist legends, such as Tobit,

94 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Judith, Additions to Daniel (Bel and the Dragon), Susanna,
Additions to Esther ; and, finally, II Esdras is apocalyptic.

These writings did not enter the Hebrew Old Testament
but did find a place in the Septuagint and also in the later
Vulgate (Latin) translation. The Catholic Church, in the
Council of Trent ( 1 546) , proclaimed them canonical. There-
fore, they constitute The Apocrypha.

There are, however, a number of similar books, written
during the same period, and likewise excluded from the
Hebrew Old Testament but they are not found in the
Septuagint or the Vulgate translations, nor have they been
canonized by the Catholic Church. These are specifically
designated as The Pseudepigrapha ("falsely inscribed"), be-
cause the authorship was suppositiously attributed to famous
characters of the past. It has been suggested that they were
made pseudonymous because of the growing impression that
prophecy had ceased : therefore, the contemporaneous authors
resorted to this device to gain a hearing.

The Pseudepigrapha includes mainly books on the apoca-
lyptic theme of the End of Days, such as I Enoch (the oldest,
lengthiest and most important), The Testament of the Twelve
Patriarchs, The Sibylline Oracles, The Assumption of Moses,
II Enoch (Book of the Secrets of Enoch), II Baruch (Syriac
Apocalypse of Baruch), III Baruch (Greek Apocalypse
of Baruch). Moreover, there is history, as in III Maccabees,
and The Fragments of a Zadokite Work ; there is history re-
written with a moral, as in The Book of Jubilees ; there are
sacred legends, as in The Letter of Aristeas, The Books of
Adam and Eve, The Martyrdom of Israel; there are the
Psalms of Solomon ; there is Wisdom Literature, as in IV
Maccabees, Pirke Abot (which entered the main stream of
Judaism through inclusion in the Mishnah), and The Story
of Ahikar.

Most of this excluded literature was written during and
after the Maccabean age, extending approximately from 200
B.C.E. to 100 C.E., and coinciding with that period during
which was fixed the limit as to which books the Bible should
include.

RELIGION OF THE BIBLE 95

This literature, because of its exclusion from the Bible,
played but a secondary part in the molding of Judaism. The
Bible had come to be regarded as divinely revealed in an
especial sense and therefore nothing outsule th^TSKle ""could
possibly acquire the attention of even the weakest verse of
the Testament. The ideas and attitudes of The Apocrypha
and Pseudepigrapha were subjected to selective treatment :
some were entirely rejected by the subsequent formulative
forces of Judaism ; others were worked upon and fashioned
into recognized Jewish material in the rabbinic writings ; still
others found welcome acceptance in the ranks of Christian
thought.

The completion of the Bible (the Old Testament) brings
to a culmination the myriads of influences environmental
factors, national factors, personal factors which entered in
the evolutionary making and remaking of the religion of the
Jew. Once the Bible was authoritatively accepted and can-
onized it presented as a unit the first completed stage in the
unfolding of Judaism. Let it not be imagined, however, that
Judaism can be disjoined at any one particular point and con-
sidered a finished product. On the contrary, it is a continu-
ous chain of tradition. The full acceptance of the Biblical
Books, as we have observed, was itself spread over several
centuries. Also, by the time the Bible was concluded, new
forces, new activities, new movements, were already in full
swing, ceaselessly conditioning the growth of the religion.
It is true, though, that whatever the further flux of Judaism,
the teachings of the Bible were accepted as the starting point,
the nucleus, the inviolable Constitution of Jewish life. It
would be well then to summarize the religion of the Bible and
to judge how much had been accomplished since the primi-
tive nomadic days of Israel's beginning.

26. RELIGION OF THE BIBLE

IN summarizing Biblical Judaism it is important to remember
that the Bible is the result of a long and continuous process,
covering more than two thousand years in the influence which

96 THUS RELIGION GROWS

it reflects, and all of one thousand years in the range of its
authorship. Within the covers of the Old Testament are
contained vestigial remains and reminiscences of the crude,
pre-Israelite paganism, prior to the third millennium B.C.E., as
well as the most advanced and most enlightened discoveries
of spiritual values in life, whose date reaches into the second
century B.C.E. That *?, the primary value of the Old Testa-
ment, the unique and compact record which it presents of
man's unsteady religious growth.

Speaking to us the words of many, many generations, out
of a wide variety of circumstances, Scripture does not speak
with a single voice. Its message is not smooth, consistent, all
parts of homogeneous viewpoint, nor even of equal grade and
value. There are inconsistencies, fragmentary elements, in-
ferior and superior teachings. But we have no standardized
Biblical Judaism, as such ; no set religion of Scripture, which
might lend itself to systematic outline. Many and varied are
the approaches to an understanding of God ; many and varied
are the deductions as to what the existence of God should
mean to man.

The historic survey of the evolution of the religion of Bible
days has already shown the diversity of ideas and ideals. It
has also shown a forward movement. Religion is not static.
It moves forward. Sensitive ^spuls .reveal new truths. TJnses
m ^circumstances create new concepts. History and nature
combine under the forces of destiny to* fashion new trends of
thought. So, as man's comprehension deepens, religion pro-
gresses.

We have seen too that the pace of progress is not constant.
The application of the religious principle to life fluctuates
from generation to generation. In many regards it was more
intense and truer amongst the Jews of the sixth century B.C.E.
than amongst their descendants of the third century B.C.E.
There may be a step forward, two back, then three forward,
and so on, but ultimately the direction is forward. What was
a rare discovery to one generation becomes the accepted truth
for a succeeding generation. The lone voice of the prophet

RELIGION OF THE BIBLE 97

in one century becomes thejrlamor of the masses in another
century. Thus religion emerges not only finer and better,
but also expanded and more extensively part of life.

Certain fundamentals do underlie the entire development
in the Bible era, as a common denominator for all the varied
concepts. For increased clarity in understanding the unfold-
ing of Judaism, they are worth mentioning.

The Bible does not argue as to whether God does or does
not exist. In certain of the more daring passages, as in the
Book of Job, the ways of God are unflinchingly questioned
and debated, but always there is the agreement God is.
Only the fool saith in his heart, "there is no God" (Psalm
14: i). That is all there is to it. Those whose words we
read in holy Scripture experienced God directly, they felt
His influence, they heard His voice, they beheld His power,
and to them God's presence was beyond the point of argu-
ment.

Personal experience of an unusual nature is therefore the
authority in the teachings of the Bible. Those who speak in
the name of God have communed with the divine by means
of a vision or a dream, a revelation or a phenomenon of nature,
a national or a personal crisis, the voice of conscience or of
reason, and theirs is the right to speak because of the unique
guidance which they have received.

In the origins of many historic religions, there is but one
religious leader, one exemplary character, one who conveys
the direct word of God to humanity. It is a distinctive char-
acteristic of Judaism that the revelation of divine truth came
progressively, through many lives, in divers environs. It
arises from the experience of an entire people and is there-
fore all the more applicable to the life of an entire people.
True it is that Moses gave to the religion the initial impetus
which elevated it above the level ever achieved by religion,
but it is not true to refer to Judaism as the Mosaic faith.
Were the prophets Amos or Deutero-Isaiah, for example
less vital in the growth of the religion ? The Old Testament
is by no means the record of but one life, one personality, one
example. First the Patriarchs, then Moses, then the prophets

98 THUS RELIGION GROWS

and priests, then the scribes and the Pious, all contributed
toward shaping the growth of Judaism.

The working of God, the way of God not at all the ques-
tion as to whether He exists is the theme of the religion of
the Bible. Those who have felt God's presence are con-
cerned primarily with telling of ffiiT functioning and with
correcting previous and less true notions of God. The
authors of the Bible discover through personal and national
experience that all nature originates from, moves, and is sus-
tained by the will, the wisdom and the power of God that
vital energy is the spirit of God. Likewise, in the life of man
and mankind do they discover the moral powers of God, that
He is perfect in goodness, loving-kindness, justice, knowledge
and truth : one explorer in the realm of the spirit recognizes
one phase of God's rule of morality ; another recognizes an-
other phase, until, in the end, God's complete moral sov-
ereignty is revealed. The grandeur of their achievement is
the fusion of religion with ethics, of God with goodness and
truth, of wisdom with piety.

Man is a child of God, part and parcel of the vast pattern
of life. Therefore man must strive to be like unto God. If
God is holy, man must be holy. If God insists on justice,
man must insist on justice. If God is kind and forgiving, man
must be kind and forgiving. That is the quintessence of
Biblical Judaism. The luxury of disconnected and unapplied
speculation on God's attributes finds hardly any indulgence
in the Bible. God is always personal, always sensed inti-
mately. He enters every mood the heart can know, every
impulse, every thought, and the nature of His presence
which theologians call His attribute conditions the response
in man's conduct.

The most persistent spiritual struggle in the Biblical growth
of Judaism, we have seen, is the uphill climb to reach the
vision of One God, and the majestic victory in that struggle
is voiced in the words : "Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God,
the Lord is One" (Dt. 6:4). As a mathematical statement
these words mean nothing, for if they have no moral and
ethical application, what great difference would it make if

RELIGION OF THE BIBLE 99

there were two or twenty gods ! As a statement of religion
religion, we must remember, ties man to God the unitary
conception of God is the extreme in importance. If God is
one, that means that God is the Soul of all that is, the creator
and principle of all life, incorporeal and changeless, omni-
present, omnipotent, omniscient; that means that good and
bad are a unit, that light and darkness are a unit, that all ex-
istence and all experience must be viewed as a unit ; that means
that there is only One God of all nature, all nations, all his-
tory, all mankind. But, above all, that means that man must
act toward his neighbor in such wise as is consistent with the
realization that One God created them both ; man must learn
to accept good and bad in such wise as is consistent with the
realization that both good and bad make up a harmonious
unit ; man must appreciate that the moral law demands obedi-
ence, with the threat of punishment, even as the natural law
demands obedience, with the threat of punishment for both
are the Law of One God. "Verily there is a God that judges
the earth" (Psalm 58: n).

It is clear, then, that man's understanding of the character
of God must determine his own attitude and action. The
rich diversity of Biblical metaphor and poetic fancy is evi-
dence of the many facets that revealed the character of God
and the corresponding human conduct which was requisite.
In the earliest of times, when the divine was considered whim-
sical and capricious, the main effort was naturally in the direc-
tion of cajoling and bribing the divine. In the highest plane
of Biblical vision, when intelligence, love and righteousness
were viewed as divine, as more than human, the main effort
was to emulate the example of God, and thus to gather
strength in the knowledge that intelligence, love and righteous-
ness will in the end prevail : "God is the strength of my heart,
and my portion forever" (Psalm 73 : 26).

Adhering closely to the experiences of life, the religion of
the Bible endeavors to unravel the knotty problem of evil.
That is the eternal question. Why should evil exist ? Why
should man suffer ? If there were no God, there would be
no problem, for if all were merely blind accident and no more,

ioo THUS RELIGION GROWS

there would be no rhyme nor reason to anything that hap-
pened: we would be but human footballs kicked about by
the accidents of chance. Such a thought, however, is more
difficult to accept than it is to seek an answer to the question
of evil. One must, before all else, account for the regulated
order of nature and the wondrous miracle of life and the
mysteries of the human soul, and to account for all that, one

must begin with God. But then, how account for evil ?

D *

The dominant trend in the Bible is optimistic. All in all,
life is good, or can be made good. There is, however, some-
thing in the very nature of man that makes him do wrong,
that makes him violate the requirements of God for sin is an
offense against God. "There is not a just man upon earth,
that doeth good, and sinneth not" (Eccl. 7:20). Why
is man so constructed ? God alone knows. For his sins man
suffers, for the sins of the nation too. We do_ know that
repentance accompanied by change of conduct will bring
- f orgiyeness^ T u Return unto the Lord, for He will abundantly
pardon 5 * (Isaiah 55 : 7) ; by His grace God punishes less than
is deserved "The Lord is near unto all that call upon Him"
(Psalm 145 : 18) to help and comfort; and finally there is
the hope for the golden age to which we are moving, when
the knowledge of the Lord and the accompanying reign of
righteous dealing, peace, compassion, and all the virtues will
fill the earth. Most challenging are the Biblical passages
which insist that suffering cleanses the soul, that it is not
necessarily punishment for one's personal sins but rather the
means for creating a better world : "Whom the Lord loveth
He chasteneth" (Proverbs 3 : 12). The knowledge that suf-
fering is not always the resultant evidence of sinf ulness is forti-
fying : "Unless Thy Law had been my delight, I should have
perished in mine affliction" (Psalm 119: 92). Does that en-
tirely solve the problem of sin and suffering ? At least one
Biblical author, the author of the Book of Job, does not think
so. "Canst Thou by searching find out God ? Canst Thou
find out the Almighty unto perfection ?" (Job 11:7). We
can know God, and we cannot know God. We can fathom
His ways only so far, and no more.

RELIGION OF THE BIBLE 101

In the foregoing pages we have traced the processes of
religious growth. We have followed the forces which gave
birth to the Jewish religion and we have kept them in view
for the first two thousand years. This period which reaches
its culmination in the completion of the Bible was one of
discovery, of change, of flux, of growth. It was a period of
healthy seeking for new truth and of healthy modification of
the old in the light of the new. With the finding of new
truth came the creation of new ceremonials and rituals, new
religious institutions and practices, expressive of and in har-
mony with that new truth. The animal sacrifices of the
Temple were replaced by the prayers of the synagogue.
The importance of ritualistic rectitude was replaced by an
emphasis on moral rectitude as pleasing to God.

Striking was the series of transitions in the conception of
Israel's place in the world. History seemed to have definitely
selected Israel as a chosen people : because Yahweh had saved
Israel from'Egypt, it was thought, tRat they were to be His
favorites; then, because they themselves were punished for
wickedness, it was realized that they had been saved only be-
cause the Egyptians had violated the moral rights of the
Israelites, and God would have done as much for any people ;
and ultimately came the appreciation that because Israel had
been spared by God, Israel was chosen for a life of service,
not privilege, a career of privation to bring salvation to the
world : "Ye are My witnesses that I am God" (Isaiah 43 : 12).
From first to last the Jewish people saw meaning and purpose
God in the events of life, and with increasing insight into
the lessons of life did they learn the rules of life.

So religion grows. First there must be the vigor to grow :
in this creative phase of its career Judaism grew vigorously.
But there must also be the rigor to endure. There then comes
a period of crystallization, of stabilization, of codification, of
the test of time. That is the next episode in the story of
Judaism.

CHAPTER II

HOW A RELIGION LIVES ON
[RABBINIC JUDAISM]

I. THE ORAL CHAIN OF TRADITION

BY THE time the Bible was completed, the Jewish religion had
grown from the simple response to a pastoral life into a com-
plex response to a variegated urban and rural life. Many
forces now interacted and played upon the original theme
given out by Moses. New notes could now be heard in the
symphonic form which Judaism came to resemble. Some
notes were strident : the blaring trumpeting of Syrian Hellen-
ism, which clashed with the clarion-call of Judaism, drowning
it in the ears of many. Other notes harmonized with the
main theme, giving it warmth and depth. The interplay of
moods worked itself into the dominant theme the original
one, elaborated and enriched. The Torah remained domi-
nant. The Maccabean crisis had silenced, for a while, the
Hellenistic discord, and the motif of the scribes (teachers in
the schools and synagogues), which was becoming more and
more audible since Ezra's day, now sounded forth.

Even before the Bible reached completion, the ever-chang-
ing conditions of the environment made requisite an interpre-
tation of Law read into the Bible, to apply to the changing
requirements. The words of the Written Law once ac-
cepted and enshrined could not be altered, but their mean-
ings could be many and diverse. Words soon became
freighted with connotations, and the connotations extracted
from the letter of the Law were employed to meet the needs
of each generation. These connotations what the Bible im-
plies in addition to what it actually says are known as the

102

THE ORAL CHAIN OF TRADITION 103

Oral Law, and they form the basis of the rabbinic stage of
Judaism.

It is not impossible for these oral amplifications of the Law
to have begun with Moses and to have been handed on by him
to Joshua, then to the elders, then to the prophets, then to the
Men of the Great Synagogue and the scribes. This is what
a rabbinic statement would have us believe. It is not diffi-
cult to believe, when we realize the host of traditional accou-
trements which accompany, almost inevitably, most formula-
tions of law and literature. How much originated before the
time of Ezra is uncertain ; the amount estimated varies accord-
ing to the particular approach to the subject, whether it be
historically critical or orthodox.

Both the traditional and the untraditional scholars accept
Ezra the Scribe as the starting point for the ascendancy of the
transmitted unwritten Law. According to the lore of tradi-
tion, Moses had received the entire Oral Law at the Mountain
of God and had given it to the Israelites by word of mouth ;
when, in the course of vicissitudes, the unrecorded words were
forgotten, Ezra came and restored them. According to the
facts of history, too, we know how, in the middle of the fifth
century B.C.E., Ezra brought from Babylon the Book of the
Law of Moses, which he read publicly in Jerusalem and
which the Levites then and there explained.

The Great Synagogue (Assembly), convened under Ezra's
leadership to promulgate decrees necessary at that time, is
reckoned the next link in the endless chain which carried on
the oral tradition. This institution is said to have connected
the last of the prophets with the first of the scribes. Meeting
from time to time, the Assembly is credited with having fin-
ished collecting the last of the Books of the Bible and also
with having established the traditional manner of interpreting
the Bible. (Likewise the Feast of Purim, the Shemoneh-esreh
and other important prayers, are traced to the Great Assem-
bly.) To the Men of the Great Synagogue is attributed the
motto which characterizes the whole development of Rabbinic
Judaism (Talmud : Abot i : i ) : "Be deliberate in giving
judgment; raise up many disciples; make a hedge for the

io 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Torah." To study the Law in the light of all its probabili-
ties and possibilities before establishing a decision, to pass on
the inherited instruction to the next generation of scholars,
all for the purpose of guarding the Law and the manner of
life it demands this which the motto implies did indeed be-
come the influencing principle in the growth of the Oral
Law.

There is considerable dispute as to whether the Great Syna-
gogue ever existed in reality, but in the absence of any out-
side information we must allow tradition and historic likeli-
hood to guide us. The likelihood is that the institution did
exist,, that the scribes did convene in congress whenever neces-
sary, to make religious decisions and to give them authority ;
being primarily teachers, they were in a strategic position indi-
vidually and privately to teach the new ordinances they had
agreed upon.

The high priest Simeon is counted one of the last of the
Men of the Great Synagogue. So far as we can ascertain, he
lived at the end of the third century B.C.E., being an older
contemporary of Ben Sira. Simeon the Righteous, is the
name given him to distinguish him from the corrupt high
priests who succeeded him. Indeed, until the time of Simeon,
the scribes were content to leave the regulation of the ritual
in the hands of the priests, but with the deterioration of the
priesthood, the scribes themselves undertook to study and
direct the ritual practices in conformity with the Torah. An
important doctrine of the Oral Law "the world rests on
three pillars, on the Torah, on worship, and on beneficence"
(Abot i : 2) is attributed to Simeon the Righteous. His
colleague, Antigonus of Soko, gained renown with the say-
ing : "Be not like servants who serve their masters with the
expectation of receiving a gratuity ; but be like servants who
serve their master without the expectation of receiving a
gratuity; let the fear of Heaven be upon you" (Abot 1:3).
In other words, live an ideal life, not because that will bring
you a reward, but because it is the life God demands. Not
virtue for reward's sake, nor virtue for virtue's sake, but

WHEN RELIGION STOPS GROWING 105

virtue for God's sake: that is the cornerstone of Jewish
ethics.

The next link in the living chain of tradition comprises
"The Pairs," that is, a grouping in which two scholars repre-
sent each of the subsequent generations up to and including
that of Shammai and Hillel, who lived just at the beginning of
the Common Era. The two names may indicate the presi-
dent and vice-president of each generation's Assembly of the
learned. We have to assume that, for not enough is known
of "The Pairs." Actually the list according to generations
is far from complete ; only five pairs, at most, are mentioned.

The first pair, Jose ben Joezer and Jose ben Johanan, lived
in the distressing days under Antiochus Epiphanes. Several
decrees are recorded in their names, the first time in the de-
velopment of the Oral Law that specific individuals are named
as authorities for new decrees. "Let thy house be a meeting
place of the learned, and sit in the dust at their feet and
thirstily drink in their words" (Abot 1:4), is the advice of
Jose ben Joezer, which leaves no doubt as to his advocacy of
the Law; for it he is reported to have died, through the
treachery of Alcimus, the Hellenist high priest.

That a self-sacrificing zeal for the Law had been built up by
the first half of the second century B.C.E. is evidenced in the
rally of the Pious to the defence of their religion when An-
tiochus Epiphanes dared assail it. After religious freedom
was secured, the Pious receded into the background where
they busied themselves enjoying the bravely won right to
study and live their Judaism.

2. WHEN RELIGION STOPS GROWING

SIMON, the last of the five Maccabee brothers, managed to win
recognition for Judea's hard-won independence. One would
think that enough. But his son, John (Johanan, in Hebrew)
Hyrcanus, who succeeded as sovereign from 135 to 104 B.C.E.,
insisted on pushing on with aggressive warfare. Ambition
tempted him to try out some of the bad tactics he learned

106 THUS RELIGION GROWS

from his neighbors : he used mercenary troops to strengthen
the army; when conquering an enemy he sought to impose
his own religion upon them, as was done to the Idumeans in
the south. These items deserve mention because, beyond this
period of Hasmonean (the Maccabean dynasty) avidity, they
have no parallel. They are the isolated exceptions which
prove the rule of political pacifism, and non-interference with
the religion of others for these are principles which reside
deeply in the substance and record of Judaism.

A great achievement of John Hyrcanus, in his own eyes at
any rate, was the conquest of Shechem, the main city of
Judea's chronic foes, the half-breed Samaritans. More than
that, he tore to the ground the temple on Mount Gerizim
which the Samaritans had put up as a rival to that of Jerusalem.
The existence of this temple had always been a thorn to the
Jews. There it had stood, an embarrassing challenge to the
claim of Jerusalem as the only legitimate place where sacrifice
and all the minutiae of the sacrificial cult could be practiced.
Even prudent and self -restrained Ben Sira could not control
his vexation : "Two nations my soul abhorreth ; and the third
is no people: the inhabitants of Seir and Philistia and the
foolish nation that dwelleth in Shechem" (50: 25).

In certain particulars, the religion of the Samaritans resem-
bled that of the Jews. That partial resemblance might have
diminished the feeling of annoyance, but instead added fuel
to the resentment. It was Judaism, yet not Judaism : an imi-
tation that lacked the vitality of the genuine thing. True,
the Samaritans believed in the One God, in Moses the supreme
prophet, and hoped for a Messiah and then a resurrection of
the dead. But, in contrast to Judaism, the Samaritan religion
did not grow, did not change with changing circumstances,
did not move onward to meet the needs of each new genera-
tion, did not keep pace with the advance of mankind. It
stagnated.

The contrast, growing ever wider as time went on, becomes
clear when we compare the religion of modern Jews with
that of the less-than-a-hundred Samaritans surviving in Pales-
tine today. They still have the Jewish Bible, in the original

WHO WERE THE PHARISEES? 107

old Hebrew script as a matter of fact, but that Bible consists
of only the Five Books of Moses all else, the second division
of the Bible, the Prophets, and the third division, the Hagiog-
rapha, they have deliberately rejected. They observe the
Jewish Passover Festival. But one would never imagine it
the same festival. Whereas in Judaism, the Passover celebra-
tion was transferred from sacrifices in the Temple to prayers
and sermons in the synagogue where the goal of human free-
dom is stressed and to the home where a cheerful Seder Din-
ner revitalizes family ties, the Samaritans to this day retain
the crude, repulsive practice of slaughtering a lamb, roasting
it in a pit in the ground, smearing the blood and devouring
the food in its entirety before dawn. In our generation we
witness the falling of the final curtain, terminating the role of
the Samaritan religion, and in that sad spectacle we have con-
vincing evidence of what is destined to happen when religion
stops growing. Samaritanism today is not even a remnant;
it is a relic of the past. Judaism did not likewise become a
relic because, unlike Samaritanism, it continued to live and
thrive, nourished by the expanding Oral Law.

3. WHO WERE THE PHARISEES? HOW DID THEY KEEP THE
RELIGION DEMOCRATIC?

THE silent students of the Torah made themselves heard dur-
ing the reign of John Hyrcanus. They voiced a protest. A
leader in war should not occupy the office of high priest.
The two do not, and should not, go together. If it were a
war to wrest religious freedom from the clutch of a tyrant,
that might be a different matter. But the high priest, John
Hyrcanus, was fighting for political power, also to square a
few national accounts of long standing. How remote from
the qualifications for the highest religious office of the land !
The devotees of the Torah would have no more of this un-
holy combination. Priests in power and families of influence,
of course, could see no sense in the objection. The objec-
tionists were as yet a minority group and, unable to prevail,
could express their opposition only by withdrawing their

io8 THUS RELIGION GROWS

support. They thus earned the name, Pharisees, which
means : "those who separate themselves." The supporters of
Hyrcanus as high priest were Sadducees, "Zadokites," since
the ideal priesthood, according to Ezekiel, had derived from
the family of Zadok ; moreover, many of the supporters were
themselves descendants of Zadok. This is one theory of the
origin of the names of the two factions.

There are other theories, too. It is difficult to designate
with certainty the precise origin. Historic evidence is con-
spicuously absent. When objective information is most de-
sired, historic records seem to remain discreetly silent. The
difference between the Sadducees and Pharisees, and the na-
ture of another group referred to as the Essenes, are deter-
mining factors in the trend of religion during the all-important
century before and century after the beginning of the Com-
mon Era. In an attempt to reconstruct the events of these
centuries there is wide difference of opinion ; estimates differ
according to the angle of approach. Even the earliest ap-
praisals of the Pharisees are in conflict: the Talmud views
them favorably ; the New Testament, unfavorably.

An ancient Jewish historian, Josephus, mentions the three
divisions, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essenes, as
existing in the days of Jonathan, some twenty-five or thirty
years earlier than the above-mentioned conflict with John
Hyrcanus. He records also that John Hyrcanus was at first
in line with the Pharisees and well thought-of by them, but
that because of some personal quarrel he joined with the Saddu-
cees who until now opposed the Hasmoneans as high priests
and discountenanced and annulled the Pharisaic ordinances, to
the extent of punishing the observance of them. This de-
scription by Josephus is given serious consideration because he
wrote it only two hundred years after the date of these events.
Accordingly, a number of scholars surmise that the name Phari-
sees "those who separate themselves" was first applied to
the Hasidim who separated themselves from Judah Maccabeus'
political campaign, after he had achieved the religious victory,
all that the Hasidim themselves had desired.

Whatever the origins, the Pharisees made their appearance

WHO WERE THE PHARISEES? 109

in history in the opposition to John Hyrcanus. As the years
passed, the restrictions on their practices impelled them to
rally the masses to sedition, but they were quelled. The
breach widened with the continued political ascendancy but
spiritual decline of the Hasmonean dynasty. Hyrcanus' son
and successor, Aristobulus, assumed the full title, king, as well
as high priest. He strove to decorate his title with the trap-
pings of Hellenism ; a Philo-Hellene, a lover of the Greeks,
he called himself. The kingly dignity required him to better
the example of his father, so he vanquished Galilee in the north
and the Itureans in the Lebanon again, like his father, trying
to force the defeated to swallow Judaism. Fortunately, his
reign lasted but a single year. But that did not help matters.
His brother, Alexander Jannaeus, who succeeded him, con-
tinued the same policy : the employment of mercenaries, con-
quest, forced conversion. That surely could not meet with
the approval of the Pharisees.

There was no question as to the unpopularity of Alexander
Jannaeus. On one occasion, a feast in honor of a campaign,
King Alexander, who had come robed as high priest, was
calmly advised by one of the guests to leave off wearing the
sacred robes of the priesthood, to be satisfied with the royal
accoutrements. On another occasion, the disapproval was
expressed more tangibly. The king was pelted with citrons.
It was du- ng the Feast of Tabernacles, when the people held
the citroi^ in their hands as part of the religious ceremony,
but a ne, use was found for the fruit when the king, of-
ficiating as high priest, failed to perform a duty in the manner
the Pharisees expected. And they shouted at him that, by
law, he could not serve as priest, inasmuch as his mother
had been a captive. The demonstration cost six thou-
sand lives. Civil war resulted at the first opportune open-
ing, when the king had been seriously defeated by the Arabs.
Fifty thousand more lives. The people then called the
Syrians for help fancy calling the erstwhile oppressors for
help against a Maccabean king ! To what extremes they were
driven ! After the monarch was put to flight, many of the
people regretted their move and, out of shame mingled with

no THUS RELIGION GROWS

fear of the Syrians, returned to the side of Alexander to quash
the insurrection. The restoration of peace was commemo-
rated by crucifying eight hundred of the opposition die-hards ;
eight thousand others fled for their lives.

Peace, of a happier variety, came when Alexander Jannaeus
died and his widow Alexandra reigned, with the elder son
Hyrcanus in the office of high priest. On his deathbed, the
dying king urged his queen to avoid the ill-will of the nation,
to put some power in the hands of the Pharisees who had great
authority among the Jews, both to injure such as hated them
and to bring advantage to those who were friendly disposed
to them. He also cautioned her against the hypocrites who
posed as Pharisees. Queen Alexandra followed this good
advice. The true Pharisees only a small fraction of the
Pharisees were hypocrites, contrary to dictionary definitions
the religious people who wanted to live by the Oral and Writ-
ten Law, now came into their own. Under the leadership of
Simeon ben Shetah, said to have been a brother of the queen,
the Pharisees were allowed to practice again the ordinances
which John Hyrcanus had abrogated. Incidentally, one ordi-
nance of Simeon ben Shetah amends the Marriage Contract
(Ketubah) to give fuller rights to the woman : how appro-
priate that the extension of women's rights should come during
the reign of a queen! Simeon ben Shetah is also credited
with the establishment of schools (Bet ha-Sefer) for children,
where the larger body of Jews could come to learn their re-
ligious traditions and regulations.

The distinctive features of the Pharisees can already be
discerned. "A certain sect of the Jews that appear more
religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more
precisely," is the description the historian Josephus gives
("The Jewish War," I, 5 : 2 1 10) and it is a fairly accurate
one, except that they could hardly be termed a sect. Their
thoroughgoing obedience to the written and unwritten Torah
connects the Pharisees with their forerunners, the Hasidim.
Under the scribes they studied the Jewish tradition of ac-
cumulated ordinances, to live by them.

Religion is their primary interest. They want to stay apart

WHO WERE THE PHARISEES? in

from the ambitious politics of the state. They want to stay
apart from the heathens. They want to stay apart as a group
specially dedicated to a life of holiness. They want to keep
separate from ritual uncleanliness and forbidden food. They
want to keep separate from the Am ha-Arez, the ignorant
man-in-the-street, who, not observing the ritual law strictly,
might contaminate them. These are the many shades of
meaning the term Pharisees "those who separate themselves"
may have, and the origin of the name has been traced to one
or more of these meanings. In addition, it may be that the
appellation was tagged onto them, in the first instance, in de-
rision by those who scorned their claims to exclusive purity,
or because of their distinctive garb which separated them.

The teachings of the Pharisees become clear when we com-
pare them with the position of the Sadducees, those who sided
with the priestly aristocracy. For the Pharisees, the Torah
was an all-sufficient guide for both state and religion; the
Sadducees separated the two and even allowed foreign Greek
influences to operate in the state. The Pharisees taught that
everything is in God's hands, excepting that man has a degree
of free-will ; the Sadducees allowed for no measure of fate.
The Pharisees, denying the authority of the Hasmonean priests,
preached that the Messiah-to-come will be of Davidic descent ;
the Sadducees insisted that he will arise from the priestly house
of Levi. The Pharisees hoped for a Day of Judgment and for
the resurrection ; the Sadducees, believing in neither the resur-
rection nor the immortality of the soul, looked to political
power to bring happier days into being.

Most important was the difference of view with regard to
the Torah. Both held the Written Torah divine and binding.
The Pharisees added tradition as likewise divine and binding ;
the Sadducees did not. The Sadducees agreed to believe and
do only that which is explicitly written in the Torah. The
Pharisees, whose teachers had seen the necessity in ever-
changing circumstances to modify, alter or enlarge upon the
Written Law, looked upon the manifold oral traditions and
ordinances, which emergencies forced them to add, as mere
extensions of the original Law, inherent in it and therefore

ii2 THUS RELIGION GROWS

equally binding. This latter view, of course, left room for
continuous growth and progress. It made the Bible live
anew with each generation, as religion should.

The Pharisees, taking religious control out of the hands of
the priests, sought to make the entire nation a priest people,
thus carrying out the principle of religious democracy.
Pharisaism brought religion to the masses. In the schools of
the Pharisees the scribes taught and in the synagogues they
preached. Their message was stern but invigorating : what-
ever free-will man has it is his duty to employ, to direct his
conduct in the right channels ; careful observance of the Law
and undiscouraged prayer will in the end bring the Kingdom
of God on earth.

As between the Sadducees and the Pharisees, it was the
Pharisees who carried the middle classes with them. They
maintained their popular strength right through the political
quarrels which followed Queen Alexandra's death (67 B.C.E.).
At first the Sadducees won a victory, in supporting Aristobu-
lus, Alexander's younger son, for king and high priest as
against Hyrcanus (II), the elder son. But that was not the
end of it. Hyrcanus, a rather lame candidate for the highest
office, soon found a crutch in the none-too-altruistic support
of Antipater, one of the recently captured and Judaized Idu-
means a politician par excellence. The participation of a
foreigner in the conflict which was largely religious was not at
all to the liking of the pious element. Real piety persisted
even during the wrangling for the spoils of religious official-
dom. But it was of a nature which would not obtrude itself
into historic record unless it took a dramatic turn, as in the
case of this dispute for office when Aristobulus found shelter
within the Temple fortifications, from Antipater's offensive.
Each of the two factions approached Onias, one of saintly
reputation, to pray for the defeat of the other faction an
abuse of religion, resorted to in nearly every instance of war-
fare. Onias fearlessly came out to pray : "O God, King of
the Universe, since those that are within the enclosure and
those that are outside are both Thy people, accept Thou the
prayers of neither faction." Even if it had not been recorded,

WHO WERE THE PHARISEES? 113

it would be easy to guess the warriors' response to such
a prayer : the saint was stoned to death.

The Pharisees were exasperated with both claimants to the
throne. When representations on behalf of the two brothers
were made to Pompey, General of the Roman armies whose
power was creeping over the land, the people commissioned
their own deputation to ask for no king at all, but to re-
establish the old priestly regime. The factions played into
Pompey's hands. The conquering Roman, having sized up
the situation, saw his chance to clutch Judea in his mighty
hand. In the attack, his soldiers broke through the Temple
walls, entered the Temple, slaughtered unperturbed priests,
but otherwise the Temple was not desecrated nor were the
treasures touched. Aristobulus and his children were taken
captive to Rome ; recently Judaized provinces were annexed
to the Roman province of Syria and placed under the rule
of the Syrian Proconsul ; Hyrcanus II was returned as high
priest, but high priest only.

Thus, in the year 63 B.C.E., after the Judean Kingdom had
expanded in trade and territory to the reputed dimensions
under King Solomon, Pompey picked up die kingdom and
snipped it into segments. Thus, too, ended the miserable ex-
periment in forcing conversions.

Three attempts by Aristobulus and his two sons to throw
off the Roman yoke failed. In the Roman ups and downs,
Antipater, Hyrcanus' crutch, managed to ally himself to the
winning side proving his skill as a strategist. Because of his
help in bringing about Caesar's Egyptian victory in 47 B.C.E.,
the Jews recovered lost territory and also the right for
Hyrcanus to call himself Ethnarch, hereditary head of the
nation. Then, upon Caesar's death, several years later, re-
action set in. Antipater was poisoned, but his Roman friend
Antony appointed Antipater's two sons, Herod and Phasael,
as Tetrarchs, co-rulers of the Jews, reducing Hyrcanus to
high priest once more a position bereft of political power.

The fortunes of war then brought victory to the Parthians,
forcing Rome to relax her grip on Judea. Antigonus, one
of the Hasmoneans, thereupon assumed the kingly role. To

1 1 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

disqualify Hyrcanus from ever again serving as high priest
his enemies mutilated him. Of Antipater's sons Phasael,
taken captive, ended his own life, while Herod escaped to
Rome. In Rome the Senate endowed Herod with the title,
King of the Jews. With this title Herod set forth to stake his
claims. He succeeded in his war against Antigonus, and be-
came king in fact as in name, from 37 to 4 B.C.E. Even so,
the masses of Jews continued to oppose Herod. He was not
of royal blood nor of the Jewish people ; his kingship was
imposed by Rome and Roman soldiers ; he was responsible for
Antony's order to behead Antigonus, the last of the Hasmo-
neans : therefore was he never accepted.

Herod inherited his father's skill as a politician. As such,
he sought to please both Rome and Judea, to carry water,
as it were, on both shoulders. That sort of acrobatics can
hold out for only a limited time. Earlier, Herod had married
Miriam, a Hasmonean, to please the people ; she persuaded him
to appoint her brother high priest. It was not anticipated
that the brother would prove a rallying figure for the people
and when he did become that he was put to death ; also Queen
Miriam, her mother, and all the other Hasmoneans and Sad-
ducees whom Herod suspected and could lay hands on, were
disposed of during the tragic course of Herod's reign. For
the office of high priest, Herod alternately put in and took
out puppets of his own. In all but strictly religious matters,
he took to himself administrative and executive control, leaving
the Sanhedrin of the people with many powers to talk but
with few to act. As a diplomatic concession or perhaps for
his own glorification, Herod spent a good deal of time and
money on the reconstruction of the Temple. At the same
time, he catered to the taste of Rome with a temple in Samaria
for the emperor- worship, and with the introduction generally
of Greek theatres, Greek games and Greek savants.

To maintain his balance of power, Herod manipulated to
keep on good terms with the Pharisees. He allowed them to
regulate their religious life, to become absorbed in their
studies and practices. In the earlier part of his reign,
Shemaiah and Abtalion, one of "The Pairs," stood out as

HILLEL AND SHAMMAI 115

Pharisaic teachers. Their best disciple was Hillel, who had
come from Babylonia. Hillel coupled with his contemporary
Shammai are counted the last of "The Pairs," and with them
begins the new designation for scholars : Tannaim.

4. HILLEL AND SHAMMAI

THE temperaments of Shammai and Hillel are presented as
contrasts. Shammai, strict; Hillel, lenient. Their back-
grounds differ too. Shammai, living in Jerusalem, grew up
in the hub of the traditional interpretation of the Law ; Hillel
in Babylonia, outside the immediate center, had found it neces-
sary to resort more to the written word, therefrom to deduce
specific applications for the day. Thus, Shammai was con-
servative while Hillel was progressive. These differences in
background and temperament brought to the study of the
Law differences of opinion which, while disturbing at that
time and giving rise to the fear of a division in the Law, re-
sulted actually in a broader development of the Law. The
few differences between Hillel and Shammai increased to
hundreds with their disciples, who came to be grouped as the
"School of Hillel" and the "School of Shammai." On several
occasions the two schools met to iron out their disagreements
and to decide issues by majority vote. The cherished details
of the scholarly contest between Hillel and Shammai picture
the healthy method of development of the religious Law the
scholastic freedom, the keen competition in the search for
truth, and victory for the side of moderation. The tendencies
introduced by Hillel prevailed, by the end of the first cen-
tury C.E., and thus made the Law less restrictive.

A prominent instance of HillePs liberality in interpreting
the Biblical Law is his "Prosbul" innovation, modifying the
law, found in the Book of Deuteronomy (Chapter 15),
which states that all debts be cancelled every seventh (Sab-
batical) year. Naturally there was much reluctance to make
a loan at any date close to the Sabbatical year, for then it
would not have to be paid ; consequently, those who needed the
money urgently were obliged to suffer. The regulation

u6 THUS RELIGION GROWS

which may have been helpful originally now proved hurtful.
Human considerations as well as accommodation to changed
conditions demanded modification. Hillel therefore arranged
for a special document according to which the creditor could
collect the debt through the courts, even after the Sabbatical
year. Such an innovation was daring indeed : it practically
set aside a law of the Bible, the revelation of God.

Out and out to annul any Biblical law would be out of the
question. Modification had to grow out of the law itself, as
though to make explicit what is implicit in the law. The
words of the Bible are comparable to seeds which have it
within themselves to grow into a tree with branches and buds
which blossom forth : all is contained within the original seed.
All the modifications exist in the Torah, but await discovery
through certain rules of logical interpretation. These are
called hermeneutic rules.

Seven hermeneutic rules Hillel established as the accepted
method. The first rule is, to draw an inference from a minor
or major regulation ; for example, if a specified type of labor
is allowed on the Sabbath, it is proper to infer that the same
work is surely permissible on a lesser holiday; also, that if
a specified type of labor is prohibited on a lesser holiday it is
all the more forbidden on the Sabbath. The second rule is
the analogy of expressions or instances, the occurrence of the
same or similar words in two separate verses, presenting an
analogy ; for example, one Bible passage regulates that on the
Day of Atonement the soul shall be "afflicted," without desig-
nating the meaning of affliction, but quite another passage as-
sociates "affliction" with hunger and want hence, hunger
(fasting) should be the nature of the affliction on the Day of
Atonement. The third rule is, to generalize from one specific
provision, if the application is general ; for example, the law
not to take a mill or millstone as a pledge has been made by
the Bible so as not to deprive a poor debtor of his tools for
preparing food therefore, nothing which is used for prepar-
ing food may be taken as a pledge. The fourth rule is, to
generalize from two specific provisions ; for example, the law

HILLEL AND SHAMMAI 117

that if a man smite the eye of a servant and destroy it, he shall
let the servant go free, and also the law that if he smite out
his servant's tooth he shall let the servant go free : both deal
with the loss of important members of the body which cannot
be replaced, therefore any brutal mutilation of a servant's
body renders him free. The fifth rule is, where the general-
ities are stated and then the particulars are specified, only those
particulars should be included, and no others; but where
the particular items precede the general statement, everything
belonging to the general is included, and the particular things
mentioned are taken only as illustrations of the larger group,
as when it is said (Exodus 22 : 10), "If a man deliver unto his
neighbor an ass, or an ox, or a sheep, or any beast, to keep,"
the law refers to any animal, because the general term "any
beast" follows the mention of particular ones. The sixth rule
is, to make an analogy of one entire passage with another
entire passage ; this operates in a manner similar to the second
rule. The seventh rule is, to derive the explanation of a
word or passage from its context, from its connection with
what follows or precedes.

These hermeneutic rules, with certain later supplementation
and modification, formed the basis for the enactment of new
laws derived from the Bible. It may be that external circum-
stances necessitated the new laws and that the Scriptural pas-
sages were resorted to only for support, or to convince the
Sadducees that these orally developed laws have their authority
in the Written Law. Certainly a good proportion of the
inductions and deductions and analogies must have been in-
tended, or at least understood, in the Biblical passages.

There was something attractive about Hillel, beyond his
scholarship. His modesty, his patience, his humor, his joy
of living, his sympathy and understanding, these popular
qualities attracted to him the people of his day. They rallied
about him. He was their teacher and friend, as he likewise
became the teacher and friend of succeeding generations of
Jews. It must be understood clearly, however, that Hillel
was never apotheosized. The man was never worshipped.

ii8 THUS RELIGION GROWS

The Jew would worship only God, not man. Hillel was not
worshipped, but his qualities and teachings served as examples
for emulation.

Nearly every one of his qualities carries a telling illus-
tration, which tradition has handed on. It is said (Talmud :
Shabbat 31 a) that when a heathen challenged Hillel to teach
him all of the Jewish religion during the few moments the
former could balance himself on one leg, Hillel calmly re-
plied: "Do not unto others what is hateful to thyself: this
is the whole of the Torah : all the rest is commentary : go
and learn it." Another important statement attributed to
Hillel ( Abot 1:14) is : "If I am not for myself, who will
be? If only for myself, what am I? If not now, when?"
Such attitudes to life which Hillel brought home to his people
enabled them to live through the trying years which were
coming, not only to live through them but to develop a
code of living sufficient for the needs of Jews for centuries.

5. THE MESSIAH, THE SAVIOUR. 1

AFTER a very unhappy end to Herod's reign the Judean King-
dom was divided amongst his sons, not without some fighting
and loss of life. Antipas was made Tetrarch of Galilee;
Philip was made Tetrarch of the Northeastern area ; Archelaus
was made only Ethnarch, not a royal ruler, of Judea and the
associated territory. Even as Ethnarch, Archelaus did not last
long : ten years later, in 6 C.E., he was deposed. From that
date Judea was governed by the Roman Procurators, who
resided in Caesarea. Only on special occasions, as during the
Festival pilgrimages to the Temple, did the Procurators come
to Jerusalem, and on these occasions they made their head-
quarters at Herod's palace.

Given a tolerant Procurator, the Jews managed their re-
ligious life quite happily. The Sanhedrin, in fact, now
enjoyed greater powers than under Herod; it acted as the
representative of the people, responsible to the ruling power.
While there is no exact record of how the members of the
Sanhedrin were elected or how it was made up, it probably

THE MESSIAH, THE SAVIOUR! 119

consisted of seventy members: priests, scribes, elders Sad-
ducees together with Pharisees and a president, usually
the high priest. Provincial Sanhedrins, consisting of only
twenty-three members, adjudicated local affairs between Jews,
the more important cases being taken to the large Sanhedrin at
Jerusalem.

Not all the Procurators were tactful or considerate of the
Jews' feelings, an evil which exists in every protectorate. At
the outset, a Roman census of the Jews deeply humiliated a
group of the Pharisees who, all along from the earliest days
of Herod, had resented the gratuitous interference of Rome ;
they strained to break free from the strangle-hold of Rome.
They knew full well that a new census meant new taxes and
heavier subjugation. Zealous they were for freedom and
Zealots they were called. Militant Pharisees, these. They
were young, energetic, perhaps denounced as radicals and
extremists, but enthusiastic Jews to whom life meant liberty.
Willingly would they die to clear foreign oppression out of
the country. Their heroes in the nation's past were the fear-
less warriors for God. And their hope was for such a hero
to arise in their day. A Messiah they wanted. A Messiah
for Israel, a Jewish King of the Jews, to lead them to battle,
for freedom.

Another group of Pharisees was no less eagerly awaiting
a redeemer, a Messiah. They too were extremist Pharisees,
known as Essenes. But the Messiah they expected and hoped
for was altogether different. Not as a warrior would he
come, nor would his work be accomplished by rebellious insti-
gation. Man could do very little to hasten his coming. God
would bring salvation in his own good time. Everything is
in God's hands. Everything is fated. Man has no control
over destiny. God provides ; unconditional providence pre-
vails. All feeble man can do is to live a life of utter holiness,
to carry piety to the extreme, then perhaps God will have
mercy.

This extreme emphasis on piety connects the Essenes with
certain aspects of the Pious or Hasidim of an earlier day.
To achieve the goal of absolute holiness, the Essenes banded

izo THUS RELIGION GROWS

together in the villages and towns of Palestine, but mostly in
the wilderness where they would be undisturbed. Member-
ship was strictly limited. There was first one year of proba-
tion before acceptance, and then there were two further years
of probation before becoming a full-fledged member, when
a severe vow was taken to disclose no secrets of the group, not
even the names of the angels but to fellow-members of the
group everything should be revealed : other than this, no fur-
ther oath may be taken. It is recorded that at one time
there were four thousand Essenes all told, a very small number
indeed. The organization was based on an exaggeration of
Pharisaic elements of holiness, their aim being to establish a
small priestly kingdom. Many priests appear to have accom-
panied the Essenes, to care for the table in the same meticulous
manner they were accustomed to care for the altar in the Sanc-
tuary; for them the common meal was a sacrament. Al-
though the Essenes lived in separate homes, they did not own
them : dwellings were communal property. All property was
communally owned, clothes and tools and food too. Assist-
ance, for example, could not be given to an impoverished non-
Essene relative without the consent of the group. Everyone
was equal and everyone worked, mostly at agriculture trade
or business was thought too wicked. Handicrafts were per-
mitted, providing they did not include the making of war
materials warfare they uncompromisingly outlawed. The
opposition to bloodshed extended to a refusal to send animals
for the Temple sacrifices.

"Pacifist Communists" might be a good name for the Es-
senes. They sought to establish a Utopia on the basis of an
applied moral philosophy : virtuous conduct and love of hu-
manity were the foundations of their piety. Communities
founded on these principles were to be found scattered in the
inaccessible hideouts of the Holy Land. But could the Utopia
survive open contact with the world, or was it a hothouse
product? History provides the answer. In the later up-
heaval which shook Palestine, the Essenes suffered their
share . . . and then disappeared.

During the life of the Essenes, the daily routine started at

THE MESSIAH, THE SAVIOUR! 121

sunrise with prayer, then work, then a communal bath, then
a communal meal, religious conversation the only relish al-
lowed, then back to work, with the evening meal, preceded
by proper cleansing, to conclude the day. Great strictness
attached to the observance of the Sabbath, even to restricting
the natural functions of the body. Ritual purity was the
primary aim. Even as Moses the most venerated name
for the Essenes had separated himself from his wife and
family for his holiest experience of receiving the Torah from
God, so the Essenes made a virtue of celibacy. One Roman
writer of antiquity marvelled how these celibates were able
to keep going for generations. The truth is that they were
not all celibates, that many of the Essenes joined the order in
their later years, separating themselves from their wives and
children ; also, that the Essene community had adopted chil-
dren into the group.

The esoteric lore in possession of the semi-monastic brother-
hood was based on allegorical interpretations of the Bible.
These sacred writings the Essenes eagerly drank in, since
they contained a clue to secret medicinal compounds and cures.
More than that, they revealed the mystery of "hidden wis-
dom." Summarized, the hidden "wisdom" taught that
through piety and purity a vision is gained into the future
which is the supreme achievement in life. Escape comes to
all at death: the soul survives, but not the body; from the
captivity of the bodily prison the soul departs for its reward
or punishment. But in this life, complete salvation can come
only through the Messiah, and man can .do practically nothing
to hasten his arrival. Still, the Messiah will come !

Yet other groups of Pharisees were looking for salvation.
They too looked for a supernatural saviour, but they calcu-
lated that he would come soon, that by repentance man had the
power to hasten his coming. They saw no hope in the prac-
tical methods of the Zealots, nor in the Utopian mysticism of
the Essenes. Their imagination was stirred by the apocalyptic
writings which revealed the approaching end of all things.
They visioned an other-worldly transformation of this world.
They searched for a miraculous king and redeemer. He

122 THUS RELIGION GROWS

would come soon. Was there a time when a Messiah was
more needed? Like a cloud Rome had spread itself over
Judea; dark days had come; the last rays of normal hope
were shut out. Soon, soon he will come. A heaven-sent
Messiah. The storm will break : the world as it is will come
to an end. The clouds will disperse. The righteous will bask
in the sunshine.

More than once the Messiah seemed to have come. An un-
usual man speaking unusual words would bring throngs to
the wilderness, to behold the miracle. But invariably the
miracle was snuffed out between the callous fingers of the
Roman provincial government. One whom the officials had
put to death was called John the Baptist. A strange man he
was, wearing a mantle of camel's hair as that of Elijah, eating
little and drinking little, hiding himself in recesses, bathing
and baptizing fellow Jews at the Jordan symbolically to
cleanse them of their sins, and proclaiming, "Repent ye, for
the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand !" (Matthew 3:2). By
him, one called Jesus was baptized.

6. DID HE COME?

JESUS the Jew known in Hebrew as Joshua (Yeshu) at-
tracted acceptance as the Messiah. At first he was accepted
by very few. But his followers grew to millions with the
passing of centuries. Christ was the name given him, for
"Christ," derived from Greek, means "the anointed," the Mes-
siah. His devotees, Christians, in time branched off from
Judaism, and Christianity began.

In view of the career Jesus has had in the western world,
it is inevitable that a wide difference of opinion should have
grown up regarding him, especially when it is estimated that
only fifty days of his life are recorded. The range of atti-
tudes runs the entire gamut from denying that Jesus ever lived
to worshipping him as God. From the bottom to the top of
the scale : attempts have been made to prove that Jesus was
a myth ; or, if he did live, that he was a trouble-maker ; or
better, an ethical teacher ; still better, a rabbi ; even greater,

DID HE COME? 123

a prophet ; indeed, the Greatest Prophet ; verily, a Man unique
in the history of mankind ; most sublime of all, Son of God.

Each opinion proceeds from a definite approach. Scope is
given for a variety of approaches by the fact that the original
sources of information the Gospels of the New Testament :
Mark, Matthew and Luke (John is not regarded as primarily
a source of historic information) vary among themselves ;
they do not give one continuous life story. And the varia-
tions become all the greater when these Books of the New
Testament are subjected to the same criteria of historical
criticism as have been applied to the Old Testament. Such
analysis shows that the Gospels were not written as history but
as religious documents by believers, for believers. They
therefore contain, like Books of the Old Testament, much
that is legendary and much of later insertion.

The outstanding facts of Jesus' life, as one derives them from
the Gospels particularly from that of Mark, the earliest,
having been written about thirty years after Jesus' activity
connect Jesus with Nazareth, a town in Galilee, making him
a Nazarene. Several years before the Common Era, Jesus
was born, a Jew. Little is known of his childhood, other
than that he was educated and brought up as a Jew. His life
projected into prominence at the age of thirty and it reached
its culmination three years later, or according to another
view only a year and a half later. The conviction came to
him that he was the promised Messiah. Perhaps it came dur-
ing his experience of baptism, when John the Baptist an-
nounced : "The Kingdom of God is at hand." But there it
was. It anchored itself deeply into his consciousness. It im-
pelled him to forsake his occupation as carpenter, to declare
the glad tidings, "The time is fulfilled" (Mark i : 15).

Like his fellow Pharisees, Jesus attended synagogue, where
he read from the Books of the Prophets and preached his ex-
planation, but at his teaching everyone was amazed. Not
the Scriptures nor even God did he mention as his authority,
but himself : "I say unto you" (Matthew 6 : 29; 26 : 64, etc.).
Disciples gathered about Jesus, mostly simple folk, who knew
not the Law. In keeping with his character as the Messiah,

i2 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

his believers have recorded his performance of many miracles,
although he is not reported to have performed any in his home
town, Nazareth.

For some time Jesus kept as a secret, locked up in his heart,
the conviction that he was the Messiah. Only when in dire
straits, at Caesarea Philippi, outside Judea, did he allow the
secret to slip into speech. He asked his disciples what men
said he was. Some said he was John the Baptist ; others, that
he was Elijah ; others, that he was one of the prophets. Ap-
parently not satisfied, Jesus asked what the disciples themselves
had to say. Simon Peter replied : "Thou art the Christ"
(Mark 8:29). (Christ, of course, means Messiah.) He
confirmed the deep secret, but for the time being Jesus in-
structed his disciples not to breathe a word of it, for he planned
to go to Jerusalem at the time of the Passover pilgrimage, there
to reveal himself to the holiday crowds as the Messiah.

Five days before Passover he came to the entrance of
Jerusalem, in a manner the Messiah was expected to come.
His actions revealed his secret. He created an impression ;
crowds gathered. Many gave vocal and adulatory expression
to their hope that the Messiah had arrived. Now Jesus had
to fulfill his part. He created a sensation when he chased
away the traders from the Temple approach and upset the
tables of the money-changers and of the dove vendors. That
enraged the priests. But many of the people were in agree-
ment with the rather violently expressed objection. Jesus
now had to make his stand clear. He was asked whether
tribute should be paid to Caesar. His reply, "Render there-
fore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's; and unto
God the things that are God's" (Matthew 22 : 21), was an
equivocal reply and could mean many things. But to the
Zealots, to those who thought they had found in Jesus a politi-
cal leader who by force was going to throw off the yoke of
Rome, it meant that Jesus was not the manner of Messiah they
were expecting, and many of the people thereupon left Jesus.

Enough of a disturbance was created for officials to take
matters into their hands. The Jewish officials were mostly
Sadducees, leaders of the Sanhedrin, and the powers of the

DID HE COME? 125

Sanhedrin were, of course, powers restricted, having no juris-
diction over the death penalty which was in the sole control
of Rome, the sovereign ruler. But the obligations of the
Sanhedrin were grave; they were the group responsible to
Rome for the keeping of the peace. At the slightest provoca-
tion, the Roman Procurator would enact punitive measures
against the whole people. Pontius Pilate was the Procurator
then, and he had become notorious among the Jews for his
ruthlessness. During his unfortunate administration he had
executed Galileans without the benefit of a trial ; he had
harassed the Samaritans; and he was ultimately withdrawn
because of the numerous complaints sent to Rome. In such a
case, what was to be done with one who claimed to be a
Messiah ? What sort of Messiah he meant to be did not much
matter. Romans would not differentiate between a political
and a spiritual Messiah. Jesus had all but caused a riot at
the Temple; whatever he had to say, his actions could be
judged those of a rebel. The priestly leaders, unless they did
something, would be apprehended for not taking measures to
check the danger.

One of Jesus' disciples, Judas Iscariot, whose attachment to
his master had weakened, informed the authorities of Jesus'
presence on the Mount of Olives and there Jesus was seized,
though not without some resistance during which one of the
police was wounded by a disciple. It seems that the Sadducee
leaders of the Sanhedrin, being anxious immediately to turn
their prisoner over to the Romans and thus avoid further
complications, convened an informal session, in haste, that
very night, to determine on what grounds Jesus would be
charged. At this preliminary hearing, Jesus was asked, "Art
thou the Messiah?" To this he replied (according to Mark
14 : 62), "I am he." According to Matthew (26 : 64) he an-
swered, "Thou sayest." According to both versions, Jesus
continued : "hereafter ,ye shall see the Son of man sitting on
the right hand of power, and coining in the clouds of heaven."
Thereupon, the high priest tore his raiment, holding such
a reply as tantamount to blasphemy. It was on this charge,
as a would-be King of the Jews, that several of the priests

126 THUS RELIGION GROWS

took Jesus to Pilate, Roman authority, the first thing in the
morning. When Pilate asked him, "Art thou the King of
the Jews ?" Jesus replied "Thou sayest" (Matthew 27 : 1 1).

To the Roman Procurator, a King of the Jews meant a rebel
against Roman sovereignty, to be punished by death. There
were many different versions and expectations of the Messiah
but the officials understood it only in the way it would affect
them. With a distorted sense of humor the Roman soldiers
teased Jesus as one who pretended to be King of the Jews
and they put him to death by the favorite Roman device for
rebels, the humiliating crucifixion, over which was posted in
three languages the taunt : "King of the Jews."

To the great body of Jews, Jesus, a claimant to Messiahship,
died for his claims as did many others who called themselves
Messiah, before and after Jesus' day. Undoubtedly, num-
bers of the common people suffered deeply in their sympathy
with Jesus : but what could they do ? The priests did not
represent them nor did they act in conformity with their de-
sires. The priests themselves were but the tools of Rome ;
carefully had they to regard every step, every move, particu-
larly during the Festival season when the greatly feared
Roman Procurator made a personal appearance in Jerusalem.

7. CHRISTIANITY CAME

A FEW weeks after Jesus died, his frightened and dispersed
followers left their hiding places. At most, there were one
hundred and twenty of them. Several came with the news
that they had seen Jesus in a vision. On the basis of what
they saw in the vision they found definite proof that Jesus
was indeed the Messiah, the Son of God, resurrected. The
apostles of this knowledge devoted their lives to plant in
many fields the belief in Jesus as the risen Christ, the divine
Christ, miraculously born and miraculously resurrected.
These beliefs divided Christianity from Judaism. Jesus in
life had been a Jew, one of their own. But Jesus as taught
by the apostles a Son of God was for them a new creation,
incompatible with the idea of One Spiritual God. Moreover,

CHRISTIANITY CAME 127

what they taught of him as a Christ was for Jews incompatible
with the results which the Messiah was to have achieved.
Jews continued still to hope for the Messiah.

What Jesus himself taught was essentially Jewish. His
method, the use of parables and pointed enigmatic and epi-
grammatic statements, simple and direct, had long been em-
ployed by his fellow Jews. The contents of his teaching
can be paralleled in practically every instance with traditional
Jewish teachings of his date. If there is a difference, it is
largely one of emphasis. Certain statements which Jesus
learned in the negative form he emphasized by giving them
a positive turn. Hillel's instruction, for instance (Shabbat
3 1 a) "Do not unto others what is hateful to thyself " Jesus
turned to, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you,
do ye even so to them" (Matthew 7 : 12). Some teachings he
emphasized to a point which from the standpoint of Judaism
might be considered an exaggeration: he seemed to separate
religion from the workaday life of the community, to divorce
it from practical affairs and the national well-being.

Certain of Jesus' teachings, as they are recorded, leave one
in doubt; one statement conflicts with another, or with his
own activity. Like the Pharisees, he insisted on the observ-
ance of every detail of the Law ; yet he disparaged Sabbath
observance, dietary laws, washing of hands, and he said, con-
trary to the Pharisees, "no man putteth new wine into old
bottles" (Mark 2:22). Like the Pharisees, Jesus believed
in a Messiah, the Kingdom of Heaven, the Day of Judgment,
the resurrection; but he departed from the Pharisees in his
belittling of the scribes, his reliance on his own authority, and
his claim to be the Messiah. Jesus' attacks on the Pharisees
were sweeping generalizations based on individual instances;
yet he was a Pharisee. The Pharisaic leaders themselves found
fault with many types of Pharisees, enumerating seven types,
and approving of only one or two types, thus differentiating
between the good and the bad but not denouncing all. His
own teaching, "He that is not against us is on our part" (Mark
9:40), Jesus counters with, "He that is not with me is
against me" (Matthew 12 : 30). His advocacy, "Resist not

128 THUS RELIGION GROWS

evil" (Matthew 5 : 39), he seems to ignore in the scene he
creates in overthrowing the Temple traffickers. These few
illustrations, and others that could be added, are really minor
when compared to the innumerable instances that might be
assembled to indicate how truly close the moral standards of
Jesus are to those of Judaism.

Jesus' counsel to save the soul by a measure of abnegation
with a touch of ascetism, his absorption in the Messiah with all
the mysticism and eschatology attached to it, make a point of
contact, in certain regards, between Jesus and the Essenes.
Like the Essenes, too, he was opposed to the making of
oaths.

Taken all in all, the teachings of Jesus are on a very high
ethical plane. Those ethical teachings are the bond connecting
Judaism with Christianity. In those teachings, as well as
in the personality of Jesus, lies an important contribution of
Judaism to world religion.

8. JUDAISM CLOTHED IN ALEXANDRIAN PHILOSOPHY

NOT many years after Jesus' death, the Jews were given fur-
ther evidence of Rome's intention to rule with unbending
determination. One episode occurred in Alexandria, Egypt.
The Alexandrian Greeks, economic and literary competitors
of the Jews, insisted that deity statues of the Roman Emperor,
Caligula, be set up in synagogues, even as they had been
forced by the Romans into all other places of worship. Natu-
rally the Jewish population remonstrated, with much pain and
indignity heaped upon them in consequence. This unfortu-
nate episode led to the sending of a Jewish deputation to Rome
(40 C.E.) under the leadership of aged Judaeus Philo, one of
aristocratic birth. This, however, is not the role in which
Philo gained historic fame.

Judaeus Philo primarily personifies Judaism as clothed in
Alexandrian philosophy.

The Maccabean revolt did not have the same effect in Alex-
andria as it did in Palestine. Hellenism continued among the
Egyptian Jews, although it did not prove nearly as endanger-

JUDAISM CLOTHED IN PHILOSOPHY 129

ing to Judaism after the Maccabean uprising as during the pre-
vious century. At the time of the Maccabean uprising in
Judea, in fact, the Jews of Alexandria built a temple very
similar to that of Jerusalem, though not as a rival. Numerous
synagogues, too, sprang into existence to accommodate the
Jews in Egypt, numbering a million in Philo's day. The
Alexandrian translation of the Bible into Greek (the Sep-
tuagint) was entirely completed, even the later Books some
of the translation obviously apologetic in intent. A great deal
of additional literature had grown up, likewise apologetic ;
that is, presenting Judaism in an acceptible light to non-Jews.

Some of the books of the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha
were written at this time. One of these, the Letter of Aris-
teas, was made to appear the work of a non-Jew who was
convinced of the greatness of the Jewish religion : it describes
the Jerusalem Temple, its priests and practices, the work of
Bible translators ; it emphasizes strict observance of the dietary
laws, the washing of hands before a meal, the regular system
of prayers, and the complete ceremonial of Jewish life ; but it
does not refer to immortality nor to resurrection ; it insists
upon only one living God, all others, the idolatrous gods, be-
ing only heroes of the past ; it emphasizes the value of the
Torah and its obligations, which make Israel separate from
other people. Here we see a desire to attract the heathen
world to Judaism. Another noteworthy propagandist book is
that of the Sibylline Oracles. Sybil is the Greek term for
soothsayer, and the soothsayer of these Oracles is reputed to
be the daughter-in-law of Noah, who is represented as elo-
quently preaching Judaism and righteousness to the world.

Some of the Jewish sects of Palestine cast their glow over
the Jewish life in Alexandria, although in Alexandria there
was added the tinge of Greek philosophy. In a treatise on
the Essenes and in another treatise "On the Contemplative
Life," Philo depicts the Alexandrian version of the Essenes,
called the Therapeutae because of their stress oft spiritual
healing. Members of this sect, which admitted women, gave
up their property for the communal welfare ; they believed
in the ultimate separation of the soul from the body ; they

1 30 THUS RELIGION GROWS

sought secret doctrines through an allegorical interpretation
of the Bible : all precisely as the Essenes in Palestine. Twice
a day they prayed and the intervening hours they spent in
contemplation, more than did the Essenes. In addition, they
busied themselves composing all possible and impossible
psalms. In the solitude of their individual retreats they lost
themselves in the maze of philosophy and then on the Sabbath
they assembled for a deep and careful exposition of their laws.
This sort of individualistic retirement from the world of affairs
was contrary to the main current of Judaism and it is therefore
not surprising that the Therapeutae drifted from the course of
Jewish life. Of "those who without discrimination shun all
concern with the life of the state," Philo expressed disapproval.

Philo adopted and applied certain of the tendencies of his
day to interpret the Bible allegorically, "manifest symbols of
things invisible, and hints of things inexpressible." His liter-
ary work consists largely of homiletical essays, as the commen-
tary on the Books of Moses. He wrote in Greek in a style
modelled after the Greek philosophers, especially Plato. Yet
he recognized the writings of Moses as an absolute revelation
of God's truth and he held that all the teachings of the Greek
philosophers had already been taught equally well, if not
better, by Moses: the Greek thinkers, in fact, had derived
from Moses many of their thoughts.

Philo's writings thus seem to have been aimed at those Jews
who had become fascinated by the philosophical formulations
of the Greeks and it was his intention to convince them that
Judaism was equally a philosophy. At the same time he
sought to attract to Judaism non-Jews who were searching
for religion and truth, by showing Judaism to be a definitely
philosophical type of religion. To achieve this aim, he sought
for universalistic meaning in the particularistic passages in the
Bible, also to explain away divine anthropomorphisms, and,
in addition, to read into the Bible Greek ethics and cosmology.
As a matter of fact, though, Philo's presentation of Judaism
is not altogether philosophical, inasmuch as he resorts to an
external source and authority for establishing truth, namely,

JUDAISM CLOTHED IN PHILOSOPHY 131

the Pentateuch the absolute truth revealed by God to Moses
whereas philosophy accepts no supernatural revelation but
depends upon logic and experience to yield the truth.

In characteristically Jewish fashion, Philo begins with God,
the one reality, the beginning and the end. He insists that
God cannot be described according to the qualities which
we know, since that would make limited and finite what is
really eternal and infinite. All we can say is that God
has none of the limitations known to us: He is perfect.
God is : that we can say ; but not 'what He is. This abstrac-
tion of God, this complete perfection and transcendence,
makes necessary some go-between to link the perfect God
with the world of imperfection. Some mediator must make
the contact between perfection and imperfection. Philo
mentions Ideas or Forces which exist in God and operate
upon the world. The separate Ideas or Forces are included
in one supreme and general Idea or Force which Philo calls
the Logos, by which he means the Reason of God, operating
in the world. This is fairly clear and consistent. But Philo
confuses us when he states further that these Ideas are demons
or angels, separate beings, independent and apart from God,
and that the Logos is an archangel, a first-born son of God,
the Word of God mentioned in Genesis, through whom the
world was created. Thus Philo shows the go-between Logos
as immanent in God but also as standing apart, between God
and the world. Therein lies Philo's original contribution. In
arriving at it, he makes use of the Hebrew emphasis on the
wisdom of God as well as of Plato's doctrine of Ideas of the
world and of the Stoics' theory of the Reason of God working
in the world. Out of lifeless and shapeless matter, the Logos
and lesser Forces of God formed the world.

The same dualism applies to man. The body of senses cap-
tivates the pure divine soul. Irrational impulses and passions,
stimulated by sensual pleasures, stifle human freedom and cor-
rupt the pure soul, enslaving it to the lower emotions. Then,
with the power of judgment lost and the finer aspirations
paralyzed, material things gain supremacy over the spiritual.

1 32 THUS RELIGION GROWS

That being the case, the wicked have no right to speak ; they
should be subjugated and ruled by the virtuous who still retain
their freedom.

Man's duty is to rise above the physical senses. The only
way of gaining freedom is to ascend to the sphere of the
spiritual, where the divine is reached. Alone, man is too weak
to make the ascent this is where Philo differs with the Stoics
with whom his ethics otherwise agree he must have God's
help. God plants virtue in the heart of man. With God
in his heart, man has nothing to fear, not even death : he "is
more difficult to enslave than a lion." A virtuous man can
never be compelled to do anything he does not intend to do,
because the virtuous man is truly free. Philo appeals to the
Bible for types of virtue. The ceremonial laws too, he points
out, have spiritual meaning ; these laws of Moses, contrary to
the ever-changing Greek laws, are unchangeable and they are
applicable at all times for all peoples. Philo advocates the
conquest over evil, not through ascetic austerities necessitating
withdrawal from the world, but through a thorough knowl-
edge of the world and a rational adjustment to it. At death,
those who in their lifetime had remained enslaved to the physi-
cal senses, must return to physical life in another body ; those
who in their lifetime had liberated themselves from the physi-
cal body will now become entirely released from the body of
sense.

Philo's dualism as well as his theory of the Logos was taken
by the subsequent history of Judaism as challenging to the strict
idea of Monotheism, and therefore Philo's teachings came to be
but a tributary of the main stream of Judaism. His doctrine
of the Logos and of mediation played a much more important
part in the development of Christianity. For Jews, the teach-
ings of the Pharisaic scribes were more acceptable.

9. JUDAISM SURVIVES THE FINAL DESTRUCTION
OF TEMPLE AND NATION

A DISTURBANCE similar to that which took Philo away from
his literary pursuits to serve on a deputation to Rome created

JUDAISM SURVIVES 133

considerable disorder in Palestine. Emperor Caligula vio-
lated all regard for the sensibilities of devotees of Judaism by
ordering the erection of his image in the Jerusalem Temple,
there to be worshipped. His Syrian governor tarried in the
execution of this decree, a concession to the Jews which
would have cost his life had not Caligula been murdered in
Rome.

For a short span of a few years the Judeans enjoyed a res-
pite from heathen harrying, when Agrippa I, of Herodian
descent, was given control of the large territory which his
grandfather, Herod, had held. His regard for the religious
susceptibilities of the people, his observance of the Jewish
requirements and his donations to the Temple, made him
popular with the Pharisees. But Agrippa's all too early demise
was followed with a reinstallation of foreign Roman Procura-
tors to govern Judea foreign in every sense, foreign in their
sympathies, foreign in their misunderstanding of the Jew,
foreign in their disrespect for Judaism, foreign in their very
temperament. Each succeeding Procurator seems to have
been worse than his predecessor.

Discontent reached the boiling point in the year 66 C.E.,
when Nero was emperor of Rome. A large section of the
Jews, the prominent priestly families, the Pharisaic leaders
and the Herodian regal relics, sought to maintain peace at all
costs. But the seething rage of the Zealots would not be
cooled. The Nazarenes, disciples of Jesus of Nazareth, hur-
ried out of Jerusalem, to settle at safe points beyond the
Jordan. The Zealots drove the priestly and Pharisaic pacifists
out of Jerusalem. They won adherents to their cause. In
Jerusalem the Zealot leader became dictator. Two others
later joined him to form a three-headed dictatorship. The
inevitable internal conflict and resultant anarchy followed.
Even so, the all-powerful Roman army found it no easy task
to extinguish the last spark of Judean independence. This
was a prolonged fight to the death. Valor equal to that
of the Maccabees was displayed by the Zealots ; but this time
the odds were too great.

On the fatal ninth day of Ab the Temple was burned;

i 3 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

only one wall escaped destruction, and that has remained to
this day a mournful reminder of the national disaster. The
activities of the Alexandrian (Egypt) temple were also put
to an end. The Sanhedrin, supreme administrative body of
Jewry, was dispersed. Victorious Titus, son of the Roman
Emperor Vespasian, crucified the insurgents, forced youths to
work in mines, sold women and children into slavery, brought
seven hundred of the strongest and handsomest men to march
in the triumphal procession in Rome and to fight animals in
the arena, and paraded the seized vessels of the Temple, which
were later reproduced on the triumphal arch still to be seen in
Rome.

Although more than one million Jews are estimated to have
perished during the years of revolt, Judea remained fairly well
populated. But Jerusalem was no longer the city of impor-
tance. Shortly before its destruction, a pacifist teacher of
first rank, Johanan ben Zakkai, managed to escape from the
city and obtain Roman permission to establish a school in
Jamnia, a town not touched by the ravages of battle. Rome
granted this permission, possibly on the assumption that eyes
glued to study would not look about for trouble. But this
innocent move meant the salvation of Judaism. The life of
the weakened nation was crushed under the heel of Rome,
true, yet the religion remained ; more than that, Judaism arose
from the debris of Judea to bring new life to the broken
people, religion replacing the state as the focus of devotion
and zeal, supplying both the reason and the means for remain-
ing a Jew even in Galut (exile) .

In the school at Jamnia and in other schools which sprang to
life it was the Judaism of the Pharisees that flourished. The
Essenes the catastrophe reduced to a sad remnant. The Sad-
ducees the aristocrats having been killed or carried away
captive and the priests having been bereft of the Temple
dwindled to a mere sect. The Pharisees emerged triumphant.
They had a program of reconstruction. The Temple had for
them long lost its exclusive importance ; the synagogues and
schools of study which were already replacing it now pro-

JUDAISM SURVIVES 135

jected into full prominence. When news of the destruction
of the Temple was brought to Johanan ben Zakkai, he quoted
Hosea's statement, "I desired mercy, and not sacrifice" (Hosea
6:6), in support of his consolation that there now remained
something greater than sacrifices loving-kindness. Phari-
saism had already made Judaism a progressive unit, which no
one calamity could disintegrate. It had given to the religion
the power to endure, which is as important as the power to
grow.

How did Pharisaic Judaism acquire the vitality to live on ?

First we must take into account the unbroken chain of
tradition (Shalshelet Cabala). Each generation produced
spiritual leaders who recognized their serious obligation in
three directions : first, to conserve the heritage of the past ;
second, to adjust the heritage to the needs of their own gen-
eration ; third, to follow in the paths of the teachers who pre-
ceded them, remembering that a chain is as strong as its
weakest link.

In the continuous procession of scholarly trustees of Juda-
ism, tradition connects Hillel and Shammai, the last of "The
Pairs," to Johanan ben Zakkai, a disciple of the Hillel school.
The disciples of Hillel and Shammai were given the title
Rabbi, which means "teacher." The teachers of this segment
of the traditional chain are referred to as Tannaim, the
Aramaic word (then the spoken language) for the "teach-
ers." As head of his school, Johanan ben Zakkai was called
Rabbon. He made it the primary function of the school to
collect the various laws which oral tradition had developed,
and to reconcile the differences of opinion which had arisen
between the School of Hillel and the School of Shammai. His
own sympathies were naturally with those of Hillel, and
largely through his efforts the Hillelites gained the upper hand
in the interpretation of Judaism.

A second outstanding achievement of Johanan ben Zakkai
in the reorganization of Judaism was the reconstitution of the
Sanhedrin at Jamnia. Here it was called the Great Bet Din,
or the High Court. In activity as well as in name it differed

i 3 6 THUS RELIGION GROWS

from its predecessor. No longer was it under the leadership
of the high priest and the aristocratic Sadducees ; no longer
was it empowered with political responsibilities, no longer
did it focus its attention on political and priestly matters.
The Bet Din was completely Pharisaic. Its main duty now
became that of authoritatively regulating the religious life
according to the new conditions, without the Temple and
Temple-worship, and with little precedent on which to act.
The High Court likewise undertook civil jurisdiction, within
the limits allowed by Rome ; it imposed fines and other penal-
ties, but not capital punishment. The Bet Din sought to make
its decisions obligatory upon all Jews, even beyond the borders
of Palestine. To maintain the authoritative nature of this
group, Johanan ordained his disciples as rabbis, and that insti-
tution of ordination continued throughout the centuries.

The High Court of scholars also fixed the calendar, based
on human observation, to establish the exact dates for the
Festivals and fasts. In Babylonia and the other locales of
Jewish residence outside Palestine, where news of the proper
date for the Festivals had to be communicated by messenger
or signal, the delay in the receipt of the announcement neces-
sitated the observance of two days for each Festival, to make
sure that the proper day was included. That necessity, in-
cidentally, of keeping two days for the Festivals no longer
existed when exact calendars could be scientifically calculated
and the dates fixed for any number of years ahead. Never-
theless, once the custom was established it remained, so that
to this very day Orthodox and Conservative Jews in non-
Palestinian countries retain the two days for the initial and
concluding observance of the three Festivals Passover, Pente-
cost, Tabernacles and for the New Year's Day of Memorial.

Before his death, Johanan ben Zakkai withdrew from the
presidency of the Bet Din called Patriarch (Nasi) in
favor of Gamaliel II, because of the latter's descent from
the beloved Hillel. It became Gamaliel's objective to pre-
serve the unity of the traditional law by ending the conflict
between the School of Hillel and the School of Shammai.

JUDAISM SURVIVES 137

He sought to do this "not for his own honor, nor for the
honor of his school, but solely for the honor of God, that
divisions should not multiply in Israel" (Talmud: Baba
Mezia 59 b). Actually the victory went to the progressive
tendencies of Hillel, whom Johanan had already favored, so
that several of the irreconcilable Shammaites continued to
hold out, but that did not hinder the important step towards
arriving at a unified Judaism. It was decided that in a con-
flict of opinions the out-voted minority opinions should be
presented in the names of those who hold them, thus to avoid
a rift by showing them to be only individual differences of
opinion.

His attempt to maintain a unity and an unquestioned au-
thority as patriarch made Gamaliel II rather severe with his
colleagues and students. The harshness of his severity led to
a revolt amongst his scholars who agreed to depose him and
to put Eleazar ben Azariah in his place, and they did precisely
that. In the session which followed the deposition, the erst-
while repressed scholars made highly significant decisions,
which were collected in one special Tractate : it was deter-
mined, for instance, what should be definitely included as
belonging to holy Scripture, and what should be excluded
among others, the Book of Ben Sira, which had been hang-
ing in the balance, was excluded. After a few weeks of
freedom the scholars repented their hasty action and rein-
stated Gamaliel II. As a compromise plan, Gamaliel was to
preach three times a month, and Eleazer the fourth time, in
accordance with the custom for the patriarch to address the
people weekly through a Meturgaman, a "public orator."

Toward further consolidating the religion, Rabbon Gama-
liel arranged the form of divine worship in a manner which
became standardized. He modelled the liturgy in the pat-
tern of the worship of the destroyed Temple and yet revised
it to conform with the new state of affairs, to include a peti-
tion for a restoration of the Temple worship, of Jerusalem
and of the kingdom. The prayer in which these petitions
were included, called the Shemoneh-esreh ("eighteen") be-

138 THUS RELIGION GROWS

cause of its eighteen benedictions, became the principal
prayer for synagogue worship ; to the seventeen pre-existing
benedictions he added one directed against informers to the
Roman authorities the introduction of which is readily
understood in the light of the tyranny which plagued the
people ! Leading up to the principal prayer, the Shemoneh-
esreh, was the declaration of faith, "Hear, O Israel, the Lord
our God, the Lord is One" (Dt. 6:4), accompanied by an
expression of thankfulness for the gift of the night's rest
(in the evening prayer), or for the day's light (in the morn-
ing prayer), for God's choice of Israel, for the redemption
He has brought and that which He will still bring.

The conduct of the divine Service, in accordance with the
Pharisaic ideal, was altogether democratic. Any layman who
could do so with sufficient dignity was entitled to lead in
prayer. On special occasions, of course, the honor was ac-
corded to men of high repute. On market days, Mondays
and Thursdays, short selections were read from the Penta-
teuch which was inscribed on a scroll of parchment and de-
posited in an Ark. There was a lengthier Pentateuch-reading
(Sidra) on the Sabbath and Festival days, with an additional
selection (Haftarah) from the Prophetic Books, and an ex-
pository translation in the Aramaic language which was then
spoken and understood by the people.

Normal Judaism was now coming into its own. Between
the years 80 to 140 C.E., Judaism was assuming a fixed form
which became the established framework for subsequent fill-
ing in. The unwritten Law called the Halakah, "the rule to
go by," was being definitely formulated in the schools, and
to this end the Pentateuch, the Prophets and the later Writ-
ings were intensely studied, discussed, interpreted. With all
efforts bent to achieve unity and uniformity in worship, in
the understanding of the Bible, in ceremonial observances
and in the application of religion to life, it now became cer-
tain that the Jewish religion would survive the collapse of the
Jewish nation, that it would survive any contingency, for
these are factors which solidify a religion and give it the
stamina to endure.

RABBI AKIBA 139

10. RABBI AKIBA AND THE TRAGIC BAR KOKEBA REVOLT

IN the generation after Gamaliel II there were two outstand-
ing scholars. One of them, Rabbi Ishmael ben Elisha, the
son of a high priest, had been taken prisoner to Rome when
Jerusalem was destroyed. His great contribution in the in-
terpretation of Scripture was the modification and also sim-
plification of HillePs seven rules of hermeneutics. These he
arranged into thirteen rules, and he made an improvement in
not insisting on the strictness of legal deduction. As cor-
rected by him, these rules became the accepted method of
study.

The other great scholar of that generation, and an oppo-
nent of Rabbi Ishmael with regard to method, was Rabbi
Akiba ben Joseph. His life reads like a novel. An ignorant
shepherd, he fell madly in love with his employer's daughter
and married her. The displeased father-in-law thereat disin-
herited his daughter. But love will find a way. It impelled
middle-aged Akiba to attend elementary school together with
his young son and there to learn the Hebrew ABC. That
being insufficient, Akiba absented himself for a number of
years of study, not to return until he had made himself a great
scholar. Loyally his splendid wife slaved away to provide
sustenance. Such sacrifices merited for Akiba a glorious
career. Glorious it was ; tradition narrates that from ten to
twenty thousand counted themselves amongst his disciples.
Akiba was then happily reunited with his wife and, needless
to add, his father-in-law gladly received him.

Akiba's principle in interpreting the Bible rests upon the
assumption that nothing is accidental or superficial in a revela-
tion which is divine. Even the slightest peculiarity of spell-
ing or idiom has a special meaning. Ingeniously Akiba was
able to attach to the Written Law those Jewish traditions
which had heretofore remained unrelated to Scripture. The
idiomatic designation of the accusative case in the grammatic
construction of a Hebrew sentence Akiba interpreted as mean-
ing "with." This method can do almost anything with the
eccentricities of the text and can carry distinctions to the

i 4 o THUS RELIGION GROWS

point of splitting hairs. Ishmael, in opposition, insisted that
the Torah speaks as men would speak, employing a multi-
plicity of idiomatic expressions and spellings, involving no
secret connotations; and his commonsense principles were
therefore given ultimate preference.

In the shaping of the Oral Law, Akiba made his lasting
contribution in his arrangement of the material into a systema-
tized form in which the subjects were divided into six main
groupings, with appropriate sub-groupings. This codifica-
tion simplified the study of the rapidly growing mass of
material and at the same time did much to preserve the ac-
curacy of the oral perpetuation of the Law.

The personality of Akiba, perhaps more than all else, left
its impress on Judaism. An instance is recorded that his
wealthy friend, Rabbi Tarphon, once gave him a large sum of
money to invest in his behalf; when questioned, sometime
afterwards, as to what had been done with the money, Akiba
replied that he had distributed it amongst poor students ; and
to the challenge, "Is this the way to deal with money en-
trusted to you?" Akiba rejoined, "You wanted an invest-
mentwhat better investment could you have?"

Akiba's romantic life ends unhappily, for he became en-
meshed in the final Jewish struggle for release from Rome,
and for that he met the death of a martyr.

This was the chain of events. The annihilation of the
Second Temple sixty years previously had not crushed all
hope for a restoration of the Temple. True, the tax of half-
a-shekel which had formerly been paid for the support of the
Temple was now imposed by Rome as a Fiscus Judaicus, a
tax for the privilege of being a Jew, and then ironically de-
voted to the temple of Jupiter. So long, however, as the
Temple remained undisturbed in its ruins there was always
the chance that it would be rebuilt at an opportune time, as
in the case of the First Temple. But when the Roman Em-
peror Hadrian commanded that over the remains of the
Temple should be erected a shrine for Jupiter Capitolinus
the Jews despaired. Once devoted to foreign worship, it
would be difficult to reclaim the sacred area.

RABBI AKIBA 141

In 132 C.E. revolt broke out; it lasted three and a half
years. Akiba took a lead. He actively supported in battle
one whom he believed to be the Messiah, the "Star out of
Jacob" Bar Kokeba (known also by the name, Simon bar
Koziba) of whom Balaam had prophesied in Scripture
(Numbers 24 : 17). Not all the scholars shared Akiba's faith
in Bar Kokeba ; one put it rather tersely to him, "Akiba, grass
will be growing over your face long before the Messiah
comes." As an act of precaution, the High Court moved
from Jamnia to Usha, a town in Galilee, away from the scene
of strife. Despite all their secret preparations, and despite
the high pitch of enthusiasm over the coming redemption of
Israel, despite even a good measure of initial success in war-
fare, the Jews lost. They lost heavily. But so did the
Romans : they boasted of no glorious success when they re-
turned to their home-folk. For the Jews, however, the loss
was more than a military defeat equal to that which they had
suffered some sixty-five years previously. On this occasion,
it was a Messiah who failed.

With a vengeance, Hadrian hastened to erect the promised
temple to Jupiter over the ruins of the Jewish Temple.
Jerusalem he rebuilt and renamed, in honor of himself, Aelia
Capitolina. Into this heathen city no Jews were allowed to
enter, under penalty of death ; only once a year on the tragic
ninth day of Ab were they permitted to weep their lamenta-
tions at the remains of the Temple, and yet so attached were
they to this hallowed spot that gladly would they bribe the
Roman soldiers for the privilege of prolonging the shedding
of their tears by the "Wailing Wall."

Determined to uproot Judaism, Hadrian enacted laws for-
bidding circumcision, the observance of the Sabbath and
equally significant phases of the religion, and the performance
of weddings according to the Jewish ritual. This amounted
to tearing out the vitals of the religion. Of course, Hadrian
could not have his wish. Judaism had already proved its
mettle in former crises. What was not allowed openly was
carried on secretly. In the case of a Jewish wedding, for
example, a candle placed in the window conveyed the secret

i 4 2 THUS RELIGION GROWS

information, a sort of invitation, to the friends and relatives.
Especially severe was Hadrian in enforcing the law which
forbade the teaching of the Torah and the continuation of
ordination, but how could he succeed when the study of the
Law meant more to the scholars than life itself ? Tradition
records that the ten outstanding scholars of that time died in
disobedience to Hadrian's command. Akiba was one of
them. With his last breath he recited : "Hear, O Israel, the
Lord our God, the Lord is One." All his days he had served
God with all his might and all his possessions and now he was
privileged to serve God with his life.

II. PROSELYTES AND CONVERTS

A FURTHER result of the Bar Kokeba revolt was the definite
separation of the Nazarenes, as the early Christians were
called, from Judaism.

For several decades after Jesus' death his followers were
conforming Jews, attending the synagogue or Temple, ob-
serving the Jewish laws and ceremonies ; they differed from
their fellow Jews only in that they believed Jesus to have
been the promised Messiah who, though ordered to death as
a likely rebel by Pontius Pilate, had returned to life and then
ascended to heaven whence he would again visit this earth
for the final judgment and for the redemption of those who
believed in him.

But Paul came upon the scene. He was zealous to spread
Christianity, especially among the heathens. Seeing that the
Jewish observances, particularly circumcision, retarded the
acceptance of Christianity, he forthwith discarded many of
them. Paul taught that faith was sufficient to make one a
good Christian, also that Jesus was the Son of God. These
two doctrines attracted to him large numbers of heathen con-
verts. The inconvenience of circumcision was no longer a
deterrent. The belief in a Son of God was not an obstacle
(as it was to most Jews) to gentiles who had been worship-
ping a multiplicity of gods. Whereas in the beginning, under
the leadership of Peter, the Judean Christians were in the

PROSELYTES AND CONVERTS 143

majority, the heathen Christians gained supremacy in the
second century.

During these early years of Christianity many sects arose
among the Judean Christians. The Ophites, also called
Naasites, held that all sin and evil orginated from the serpent ;
in their books and pamphlets they made considerable refer-
ence to the Bible story of the serpent. Another sect, the
Gnostics derived from the Greek word "gnosis" which
means knowledge claimed especial knowledge of God, the
knowledge that God is pure and entirely removed from the
world; that He sent an angel to create the world, a task
the angel could not accomplish as well as God Himself could
have done, and that therefore a certain amount of evil attaches
to the world.

Because of the vagaries of such excessive philosophizing
the rabbis were opposed to absorption in cosmogony and
esoterics. Of the four scholars who indulged in Gnostic
studies, the rabbis moralized, Elisha ben Abuyah forsook
Judaism, openly desecrating the Sabbath and the Day of
Atonement, and acted as a miserable informer against the
Jews ; ben Zoma went insane ; ben Azai met an early death ;
and only Akiba escaped the danger.

A few years after the destruction of the Temple, quite a
number of heathens came over to Judaism as proselytes.
Judaism was never a missionary religion in the sense that
missionaries are sent out into the heathen world with the ex-
pressed purpose of converting unbelievers. It was indirectly
that Judaism attracted proselyte devotees. The drama of
history had scattered the Children of Israel far and wide,
into communities large and small, had integrated them into
the life and labors of their adopted homelands, had made them
neighbors. The synagogues which they built in their places
of residence were therefore certain to attract the interest, or
curiosity at least, of those amongst whom they lived. As
neighbors, they welcomed this interest and the resultant at-
tendance at synagogue Services. Moreover, did not Judaism
plan and pray for the coming of the day when "the Lord
shall be King over all the earth" (Zech. 14 : 9), the day when

144 THUS RELIGION GROWS

God's house "shall be a house of prayer for all peoples?"
(Isaiah 56: 7).

So the story of Judaism relates how in the first and second
centuries of the Common Era, and in the century or two pre-
ceding, the synagogues in the cities of the Mediterranean area
were crowded with non-Jewish visitors who soon formed the
habit of regular attendance. Rejecting idolatry for the God
of Israel whom they learned to revere and worship, they were
deemed truly religious persons and, by liberal interpretation,
part of the Jewish group. Strictly, though, complete adop-
tion within Judaism required, in addition, the rite of male
circumcision, immersion in water, and a Temple offering.
With the destruction of the Temple, circumcision constituted
the essential initiatory rite. Consider then what a blow to
proselytization was Emperor Hadrian's edict ruling circumci-
sion a crime punishable by death. True, Antoninus Pius re-
laxed the law to the extent of allowing Jewish parents to mark
their own sons with the surgical sign of the Covenant. But
for others it was still illegal, and that acted as a great deterrent
for would-be proselytes. Along came Christianity with the
teaching that this rite as well as others of about equal dis-
comfortwas unnecessary. In other respects, in moral
philosophy and ethical practice, there was a great similarity
between Judaism and Christianity and therefore a great acces-
sion of converts was diverted from the former to the latter
faith.

The final blow to proselytism in Judaism came under the
later Roman emperors, the Christian emperors, who as
George Foot Moore summarizes in "Judaism in the First
Centuries of the Christian Era" (Vol. I, pp. 352-353) * "made
conversion of Christians to Judaism a crime in itself, with in-
creasingly severe penalties both for the Christian convert and
the Jew who converted him. The net of the law is spread
wide ; it takes in adherence to Judaism and its teachings, fre-
quenting the synagogue, and calling oneself a Jew; thus

* By permission of Harvard University Press, publishers.

PROSELYTES AND CONVERTS 145

including not only male proselytes who were also liable to
the laws prohibiting circumcision, but to women proselytes
in the strict sense, and to the looser adherents of Judaism.
The penalty was at first arbitrary with the magistrates ; then
the law added confiscation of property and the inability to
make a will. For the proselyte-maker the legislation went
on to equate the crime to laesa maiestas, and finally made it
simply capital, whether the convert was a freeman or slave."

In earlier and happier days, before the grip of Rome had
tightened, many Romans, some of prominent station even
a relative of Titus, it is said came over to Judaism. One of
considerable culture, Aquila, passed through Christianity to
Judaism. In view of his Greek learning, the rabbis persuaded
him to translate the Bible into Greek, since the Septuagint
translation had been appropriated by the Christians and much
not found in the authorized Hebrew Bible had been added.
Aquila's translation, apart from an exaggerated attention to
jots and tittles, arising out of Akiba's influence, does give a
carefully exact, literal translation. A large part of this master-
piece has been lost during the ages : through some confusion
an Aramaic translation of the Pentateuch, used by the
Babylonian Jews, made in the second century C.E. by an un-
known scholar, was thought to be Aquila's translation, and
came to be known as Targum Onkelos (Aramaic for Akylas).

The defeat by Hadrian, as was seen, practically brought to
an end this faint flush of proselytism. If anything, half-
hearted Jews assimilated with neighboring populations. The
Christians, with Jesus as their Messiah, had naturally refrained
from joining the revolt led by the pretended Messiah, Bar
Kokeba, and that was another reason why they were in a
position to profit numerically by the Jewish defeat. Chris-
tianity, as evangelized by Paul, disregarding elements of the
Written as also of the Oral Law, reached in among the Greek-
speaking Jews and through them to the Greek-speaking non-
Jews, and converted them.

Then the cleavage between Christianity and Judaism be-
came complete.

146 THUS RELIGION GROWS

12. AFTER DEFEAT, CONSOLIDATION

AFTER Hadrian's death the harsh restrictions on Judaism were
partially removed. The study of the Torah was permitted
again in the open. The distressing experience under Hadrian,
especially the latter's attempt to put a finish to Judaism by
prohibiting the Torah study had a tonic effect on the evolu-
tion of traditional Judaism: it emphasized the necessity of
solidifying a nebulous mass of teachings which might other-
wise be blown away in a future political gale. That there
be no discontinuance in the progressive formulation of the
Oral Law, a menace now to be faced, the dispersed scholars
reassembled in Usha, in the north, away from the center of
disturbance. At this session, arrangements were made for
the reconstruction of the elementary-school system; a limit
of one fifth of one's income was set as a maximum sum for
donations to charity; and, very important, it was decided
that no matter how stubbornly scholars differed in their
opinions, they should not be excommunicated.

Simeon, son of Gamaliel II, inherited the office of patriarch.
Second in rank to the patriarch (Nasi) was the Ab Bet Din,
Nathan the Babylonian holding the position at this time;
the third post was that of Hakam, filled by Rabbi Meir.
Although not a great scholar, Simeon the Patriarch sensed the
requirements of the post-Hadrian days of reconstruction.
He would not burden Jews with fresh enactments too oner-
ous to fulfill. He advocated adherence to the customs then
in force in each locality. Simeon displayed a broad spirit
by insisting on the obligation of ransoming not only freemen
but even slaves who had been taken captive. His principle
that documents attested to by non-Jews and executed in a
non-Jewish court be held valid, is evidence of his impartiality
as well as of his understanding of the practical conditions of
his day.

Various schools of higher learning made their appearance,
mainly in Galilee, in the vicinity of Sepphoris and later at
Tiberias. Each scholar who headed the school made it his
task to recover without any loss all that had been accom-

AFTER DEFEAT, CONSOLIDATION 147

plished in the growth of the religion, prior to the Hadrian
interruption.

This work was pursued in two directions. One was to
follow the order of the Pentateuch, word for word, verse
for verse, and to investigate each passage for its deeper mean-
ing. This method of interpreting the letter came to be des-
ignated as Midrash a name derived from the Hebrew word
meaning "to search," "to investigate." When the examina-
tion of the text gave status to a law, when it connected an
unwritten law with the written text, the form of investiga-
tion constituted Midrash Halakah, or legal Midrash ; when the
examination of the text yielded a non-legal, a devotional or
purely sermonic teaching, it was Midrash Haggadah : legalis-
tically only the Midrash Halakah was important and binding.

The other direction in which the traditional studies were
pursued was, not to follow the order of the Pentateuch in
search of an interpretation for each verse, but to arrange the
rules and regulations of the unwritten Law and to formulate
them according to subject matter: this is known as the
Mishnah.

In the legal development, it is uncertain which method
was the older. Both were studiously pursued. The school
would have its own Midrash Halakah and its own Mishnah.
Where the traditions contained a conflict of opinion or fact,
the principal of the school made the decision or simply gave
all opinions to which he added his own. Which school was
to have its own Midrash Halakah and Mishnah gain authorita-
tive acceptance only time could tell.

Nearly all the eminent scholars of the generation were
disciples of Akiba. Simeon ben Yohai stands out for his
independent judgment. Little of his original contributions
are recorded, but what remains is of excellent quality.
Above all, Simeon ben Yohai was a rationalist. Yet history
is queer he has gone down in history as a mystic, the author
of the essential book of medieval Jewish mysticism: the
Zohar. The origin of this error is traceable to the story
which tradition tells of him, that when one rabbi spoke
favorably of Roman civic improvements in Palestine, Simeon

148 THUS RELIGION GROWS

ben Yohai criticized that whatever they did was for their
own benefit they built bridges in order to collect toll and
they built roads in order to profit by them, etc. and that
when this comment was reported to Roman headquarters,
Simeon, to avoid the death penalty, escaped to a cave where
he lived in seclusion for thirteen years, until the insulted
emperor had died ; during these thirteen years of hiding he
had the time and solitude for deep reflection, and for that
reason was erroneously regarded as having then composed
the mystic literature.

Rabbi Eleazar ben Jose, the Galilean, gained fame as a
preacher and homilist. Although he is not unmentioned in
the development of the Law, he is very important in the
homiletic history of Judaism, being the author of thirty-two
rules for the sermonic interpretation of the Bible, the Mid-
rash Haggadah.

A very popular and eloquent speaker, and a wise one too,
of this age was Judah ben Ilai. Altogether, approximately
three thousand statements of his are recorded. His saying
(Abot de-Rabbi Nathan 28): "This Torah is comparable to
two roads, one of fire and one of ice if you walk in one
you will burn, in the other you will freeze what is there
to do but walk in the middle," characterizes well his own
nature, one which sought the happy medium. With good
sense, he shunned excessive absorption in study to the exclu-
sion of all else. The opportunity of cheering a wedding
with his presence or the necessity of extending condolences
was sufficient to take him away from the milieu of erudition.

Not only popular as a lecturer with three hundred fables
to his credit but also the most brilliant scholar of this gen-
eration was a colleague, Rabbi Meir. He was a scribe by
profession, so expert that he is said to have written from
memory the entire Book of Esther to provide the needs for
a particular community which he was visiting at Purim time
and which lacked a copy necessary for the festival worship.
Meir's devotion to study is reflected in the report that of the
meagre three shekels a week he earned he spent two to main-
tain himself and his family, and the third shekel to support

AFTER DEFEAT, CONSOLIDATION 149

poor students. His wife Beruriah was herself an accom-
plished scholar and came to his aid on several occasions.

Rabbi Meir was especially qualified to continue the codi-
fication of the Oral Law, which Akiba had set in motion.
Trained not only by Akiba but also by Rabbi Ishmael, Rabbi
Meir was able to steer a clear course between the fanciful
translations of the former and the latter's strict rules of
hermeneutics. To broaden his own outlook, Meir did not
hesitate to learn from the heretic, Elisha ben Abuyah, assimi-
lating the worthwhile, which he calls "the pomegranate,"
and discarding the worthless, which he calls "the rind." His
saying, "Look not at the bottle but at its contents" (Abot
4:27), typifies Rabbi Meir's outlook. Many a discussion
did he carry on with a non-Jewish Galilean philosopher,
probably the cynic Oinomaos of Gadara. The gifts of intel-
lect are universal. How fully Meir appreciated that, we
can tell by his unprejudiced contacts and also by his assertion
that although there be a special relation between God and
Israel, nevertheless a gentile who is a student of the Torah
is on a level with the high priest. Because of his diversified
background and friendships Rabbi Meir achieved skill in
dialectics. He was able to argue both sides of a question so
skilfully that his audiences were frequently left in doubt as
to which side he would adopt in his conclusion. Worse,
sometimes to confound them with his brilliance, he would
argue the wrong side of the case. His disciples, therefore,
to be on the safe side, hesitated to accept any of his decisions !

In the generation which followed, Rabbi Meir's formula-
tion of the Oral Law according to subject matter (his
Mishnah) developed on the basis of what he had carried
over from Rabbi Akiba was given preference over the
Mishnahs of his contemporaries, and in the hands of Rabbi
Judah the Nasi, it became the authoritative codification of
the Oral Law, the Mishnah. Hence it is said (Talmud:
Sanhedrin 86a) that "in the Mishnah when no authority is
specifically named it is understood to be Rabbi Meir." The
Mishnah ("teaching") of each of the other schools dimin-
ished in importance. By the selective process of several gen-

i 5 o THUS RELIGION GROWS

erations, the fittest the instruction of those schools with the
deepest religious insight and the truest religious understanding
survived.

13. THE RESULT: THE MISHNAH AND THE MIDRASH

JUDAH the Patriarch was supremely gifted for the important
final arrangement of the accepted Mishnah. A son of Simeon
ben Gamaliel, he inherited the office of patriarch, which made
him head of the High Court and also the recognized repre-
sentative of the Jews to the Roman government. Having
studied under his father, then under a private tutor, then in
the schools of Rabbis Meir, Simeon ben Yohai and Judah ben
Ilai, he became the greatest scholar of his day. He never
stopped learning, for he tells us (Talmud: Makkot loa), "1
have learned a little from my teachers, still more from my
colleagues, but most from my pupils." Considerable wealth,
added to his scholarship, conferred on him unprecedented
authority ; of him it was said, "From the time of Moses there
had not been such a combination of scholarship and author-
ity." To cap it all, Judah the Patriarch enjoyed the intimacy
of the Roman emperor (though it is difficult to say which
one ; possibly the reference is to Avidius Cassius, Roman gen-
eral and formerly governor of Syria). Some twenty anec-
dotes are related of the friendship ; one, for example, tells of
the emperor's preference for Judah's unheated food on the
Sabbath to the hot dishes which he could enjoy on week-
days, to which Judah replied that the ingredients were the
same but that in the hot food one thing was lacking, the
Sabbath, which sanctified the meal.

In view of his unparalleled position among the Tannaim,
Judah is referred to as "Rabbi" that is all, just The Rabbi.

The opus magnum of Rabbi Judah the Patriarch was the
final compilation of the Mishnah. This he accomplished to-
wards the end of the second century. To the Mishnah of
Rabbi Meir he added elements of the Midrash Halakah (legal-
istic verse-by-verse interpretation) and other material which
had received specialized attention in the various schools.

THE RESULT 151

After having compiled the complete Mishnah he seems to
have put it through a further revision, so painstakingly was
the work done.

Judah insisted on issuing the Mishnah in the Hebrew lan-
guage rather than in the Aramaic which was then spoken :
it is a scholarly Hebrew, that differs somewhat from the clas-
sical Hebrew of the Bible. Even in his household all were
obliged to speak Hebrew, the domestics too, and it is reported
that to gain a clear understanding of some difficult Biblical
Hebrew words scholars would listen to the Hebrew as
spoken by the servants.

Whether Rabbi Judah actually put the Mishnah into writ-
ing or whether he only organized and redacted it to be trans-
mitted orally is a matter of dispute. One scholar, late in the
tenth century, states that Judah did write and publish the
Mishnah ; another scholar, more than a century later, insists
that this and the accompanying traditional material was not
set in writing until two or three hundred years after Judah's
age. Memory was indeed relied upon to a large extent, and
was assisted by special mnemonic devices of association, but
there is evidence suggesting some manuscripts, perhaps notes
jotted down as aids to memory, which may have been con-
sulted by Rabbi Judah. It is therefore not unlikely that
Rabbi Judah did commit the Mishnah to writing.

The Mishnah is divided into six Orders, according to sub-
ject matter. The first Order, Seeds, deals with religious
regulations connected with agriculture, with the exception
that the opening Tractate is devoted to prayers and blessings.
The second Order, Seasons, has to do with seasonal festivals
and fasts, the Sabbath, the New Moon, the New Year. The
third Order, Women, contains laws on marriage, divorce,
adultery, vows. The fourth Order, Damages, presents civil
and criminal law ; to it is appended Chapters of the Fathers,
Pirke Abot, which is not legalistic but a synopsis of the living
chain which carried the tradition from Moses to Shammai
and Hillel and which gives the ethical dicta of leaders from
the days of the Great Synagogue. The fifth Order, Holy
Things, treats of the Temple and its worship, of ritual and

i 5 2 THUS RELIGION GROWS

consecrated things. The sixth Order, Purities, relates to
ceremonial purity and impurity. Each Order is subdivided
into Tractates and then into Chapters and Paragraphs.

The diversity of subjects and sources makes for consider-
able variation in the character of the Mishnah. The arrange-
ment is not rigidly systematic but sometimes diverts to follow
a grouping convenient for purposes of instruction. The style
is generally concise, reflecting a more expansive treatment
elsewhere in the viva voce discourse. Where a decision
had been arrived at through an authoritative opinion or by a
majority vote of the school the decision is recorded anony-
mously. Nevertheless the opposing views are given as well,
mentioned first, in fact, to show that they had received care-
ful consideration.

Although slight additions were made after Judah's death,
the Mishnah, as he redacted it, assumed unique authority. In
addition to his personal prominence, it must be remembered
that he must have had the backing of his Bet Din and also
that he had limited to himself the right of ordaining rabbis,
expositors of the Law. Hence the supreme position of the
Mishnah.

Similar to the Mishnah which Rabbi Judah compiled,
divided into the same six Orders and treating very much the
same material, containing even additional material and some-
what different method, there exists an independent Mishnah
compilation which appeared simultaneously with Judah's
Mishnah. It is said to have been arranged by Rabbi Hiyya,
a contemporary of Rabbi Judah ; but lacking the authoritative
acceptance given to Rabbi Judah's Mishnah, it came to be
known as Tosefta, a "supplementary" Mishnah.

The other manner of working with the unwritten Law
to interpret the laws of the Pentateuch, verse-for-verse in the
sequential order of verses, in such a way that each verse serves
as a cue for the unwritten laws which had grown up pro-
duced a mass of literature which was collected during the
first part of the third century (shortly after Rabbi Judah's
death), and called the Midrash Halakah. There is no Mid-
rash Halakah for the Book of Genesis, since that contains no

THE RESULT 153

laws. The commentary on the Book of Exodus is called the
Mekilta; that on the Book of Leviticus is Sifra; that on
Numbers and Deuteronomy is Sifre. Two versions devel-
oped, one which interpreted according to the method of
Rabbi Akiba and the other which interpreted according to
the rules of Rabbi Ishmael. Despite divergences of treat-
ment, however, that which is taught agrees in all essential
respects.

At this time, too, pains were taken to fix a standard Hebrew
text for the Bible. Previously there seems to have been a
degree of variation between one copy of the Hebrew Bible
and another. That would never do. If religious laws were
to be deduced from the Pentateuch, an unvarying text would
be prerequisite. Therefore, that which was judged the cor-
rect text was decided upon and standardized during the
second century, since when it has remained practically fixed.

In the third century of the Common Era the entire religion
of the Jew took on a definitely established, unified and har-
monized form. From the earliest days of Israel, the re-
ligion had been growing, evolving. The environment had
nourished it. Experience had molded it. Reflection had
mellowed it. Those were the formative centuries. Some
features were outgrown. Some were enlarged. Some dis-
appeared. All settled into their proper proportion. And
now, in the third century, Judaism entered its maturity. It
reached its normalcy. The fixed Bible was accepted as the
revealed word of God. The Mishnah became its authorita-
tive interpretation. The observance of its laws and the
adherence to its spirit became the standards of religious re-
quirement. And the synagogue served as the center for the
religious instruction of the masses, for the services of charity
and social welfare, for the uniform liturgy of worship.

Such is the studied conclusion of George Foot Moore, one
of the greatest of modern historians of religion. In his thor-
oughgoing analysis of Judaism in the first centuries of the
Christian era ("Judaism," Vol. I, p. 3),* he sums up that during
the Persian, Greek, and Roman periods of Jewish history,
* By permission of Harvard University Press, publishers.

i 5 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

"Judaism brought to complete development its characteristic
institutions, the school and the synagogue, in which it pos-
sessed not only a unique instrument for the education and
edification of all classes of the people in religion and morality,
but the centre of its religious nfe, and to no small extent also
of its intellectual and social life. Through the study of the
Scriptures and the discussions of generations of scholars it
defined its religious conceptions, its moral principles, its forms
of worship, and its distinctive type of piety, as well as the
rules of law and observance which became authoritative for
all succeeding time. In the light of subsequent history the
great achievement of these centuries was the creation of a
normative type of Judaism and its establishment in undisputed
supremacy throughout the wide Jewish world. This goal
was not reached without many conflicts of parties and sects
and more than one grave political and religious crisis, but in
the end the tendency which most truly represented the his-
torical character and spirit of the religion prevailed, and
accomplished the unification of Judaism."

14. JEWS EVERYWHERE ADHERE TO THE NORM

THIS normal type of Judaism which developed in Palestine
came to prevail in the countries outside Palestine, in the lands
of the diaspora, as the one and only religion for the Jew.
Even in Alexandria, Egypt, where the peaceful inroads of
Hellenism were the most extensive, Rabbinic Judaism tri-
umphed. There are no precise records to indicate how the
victory over Alexandrian Hellenism came about. In all like-
lihood, it resulted from the double influence of Rome and
Christianity. Rome firmly set itself against Jews making
proselytes : that would tend to keep extraneous elements out
of Judaism. Discrimination against Jews induced those Jews
enamored of Hellenism to forsake their own religion, and
some of them to join Christianity : that would make the re-
maining Jews all the more conservative and all the more
dependent on the leadership of Palestine. As a link with
Palestine, the Jews of Alexandria paid a tax for the upkeep

JEWS EVERYWHERE 155

of the patriarch and they regulated their religious life accord-
ing to the calendar which was arranged and made public in
Palestine.

More direct was the relationship between the Jewish popu-
lation of Rome and the Judaism of Palestine. Rome harbored
the oldest Jewish community in Europe. One of the earliest
contacts with Rome was an embassy which Judah the Mac-
cabee had sent to conclude a treaty against Antiochus
Epiphanes. Jewish traders time and again visited Rome in
the pursuit of trade and a certain number, in all probability,
settled there, for already in 61 B.C.E. mention is made of an
established practice among the Italian Jews of sending a Tem-
ple-tax to Jerusalem. When Pompey ravaged Palestine he
brought Jews captive to Rome, and these were ransomed by
Jewish citizens of Rome, becoming "Libertini," freedmen.
Caesar, friendly to the Jews, exerted his power to protect
their religious institutions. Augustus continued the same
policy, adding an edict that no Jews be summoned to court
on the holy Sabbath. A setback was suffered at the begin-
ning of the Common Era, when four thousand Jewish men
were sent to Sardinia to fight the brigands. Some ridicule
of the Jewish observances was displayed by Roman intellec-
tuals, particularly the refusal to eat pork, the strictness of
Sabbath rest, and the worship of a God without an image.
Still, the tenacity of Judaism, and its worth, attracted a num-
ber of proselytes at this time. Titus, after he destroyed
Jerusalem, and Hadrian sixty years later, carried away cap-
tives and thus swelled the numbers of Jews in Rome. Jews
of Italy were visited on several occasions by the leading Pal-
estinian rabbis, and before long a disciple of Rabbi Ishmael
established in Rome a school of the Law. In all the study
and observance of Jewish tradition, though, Palestine was
looked to for leadership.

Next to Palestine in importance was the Jewish community
of Babylonia. The reason for that is not difficult to ascertain.
Babylonia, after all, could boast of a large, long-established
and prosperous settlement of Jews. As early as the first half
of the sixth century B.C.E., the destruction of the First Temple

156 THUS RELIGION GROWS

brought to Babylonia huge deportations of leading Jewish
families, of whom only a small portion returned to Palestine
under Ezra. The Babylonian Jews, proud of their ancestry,
were strict about marrying only Jews. They organized their
own communal life, with the exilarch (chief of the exile)
their political representative. The office of exilarch was
hereditary among those who traced their descent from King
David; the exilarch appointed "the judge of the gate" (or
supreme judge) and provincial judges as well as market super-
visors; he included in his retinue scholars who wore appro-
priate badges.

Until the third century C.E., the Babylonian Jews looked to
Palestine to set the example in their religious life. The Law
was studied, but for the more advanced research it was neces-
sary to go to Palestine, as did Hillel. Little by little, the
Babylonian community began to exert its own scholastic
strength. An important school was founded at Nisibis ; an-
other at Nehardea, the residence of the exilarch. Early in
the third century, Mar Samuel became the head of the school
at Nehardea ; and Rab, a disciple of Judah the Patriarch, or-
ganized a school at Sura : these two became famous. When
in rapid succession external conditions in Palestine became
unfavorable for study, Babylonia, as though providentially
prearranged, was prepared to take its place and carry on the
torch of religious leadership.

So long as conditions remained tolerable in Palestine the
Mishnah and the analogous literature continued as texts for
further study and exposition. From the second quarter of
the third century continuing into the fifth century, this rab-
binic literature was as a fertile field planted with virile seed :
under the sedulous care of the rabbis of these centuries the
seeds expanded, took root, sent out shoots, blossomed and
bore fruit. Each phrase, each word, of the Mishnah was as
a seed capable of limitless growth, even as each word of the
Bible was pregnant with meaning to the makers of the
Mishnah.

None of the rabbis of this period (now designated as
Amoraim) could dispute the teachings of the rabbis of the

JEWS EVERYWHERE 157

Mishnah (the Tannaim) . Their primary assignment was to
clarify, amplify, illustrate and apply the Mishnah for the
benefit of the religious life of their own generations. To this
end, if it helped matters, they could compare the statements
of the Mishnah with those a Tanna recorded in the literature
outside the Mishnah. This extraneous literature, outside the
authoritative Mishnah, is given the name Baraita : it includes
the quotations from the Tosef ta and other lesser Mishnah col-
lections and also quotations from the Halakic Midrash.

In tracing this Palestinian enlargement upon the Mishnah
it is customary to distinguish four or five generations of
Amoraim.

Prominent in the first generation was Rabbi Hoshaia ; he
was in a position to shed a good deal of light because of the
large collection of Baraitas which were in his possession and
which he was able to compare with the Mishnah when he
came to obscure or omitted points in the Mishnah. Another
teacher of this generation, Joshua ben Levi, also collected lit-
erature cognate to the Mishnah for purposes of comparison,
but the greater part of his energies he devoted to determining
the specific meaning of terms used in the Mishnah, setting
himself the duty of questioning every linguist in Palestine
were that necessary in order to arrive at the exact connota-
tion of an unusual word : only one thrilled with the privilege
of discovering and clarifying God's truth could labor so in-
defatigably.

Regarding Joshua ben Levi's piety numerous fine-spun
legends are recorded. It is said that none other than Elijah
would visit him, to carry on disputations. And there is the
tale that when the angel of death arrived to demand Joshua's
life, the latter flatly refused to die unless the angel would first
grant him a tour through Paradise and Hell. This granted,
Joshua wrote a letter to the patriarch describing the bliss of
the one place and the horrors of the other. A complication
arose during the unprecedented tour when Joshua, seated on
a fence overlooking Paradise, borrowed the sword of the
angel of death, refused to get down and vexed the angel by
jumping over the fence into Paradise, whereupon the angel

158 THUS RELIGION GROWS

desperately seized at Joshua but succeeded in catching only
part of his garment. Stubbornly Joshua refused to return
the sword. This was rather awkward, since without his
sword the angel of death could not claim the lives of men.
But God came to the rescue and ordered the return of the
sword. Still, to the angel's demand that he leave Paradise,
Joshua turned a deaf ear; he vowed he would not leave.
Whereupon God had the records searched to ascertain
whether Joshua ever violated an oath in his life. No such
violation could be found. Therefore, because of his lifelong
adherence to his vows, Joshua was now allowed to carry out
this vow, to remain in Paradise.

The second generation of Palestinian Amoraim is distin-
guished by Johanan bar Nappaha and his brother-in-law and
fellow student, Resh Lakish. The former, Johanan, a pupil
of Judah the Patriarch, established a school of learning in
Tiberias where he served as president for about fifty years,
until his death at the ripe age of ninety. He was the most
prominent scholar of his generation and his school stood su-
preme, no less than a hundred Amoraim being mentioned as
his disciples. So great was his reputation that students of
the foremost schools of Babylonia journeyed to Palestine to
study with him. It is not difficult to understand the extent
of Johanan's influence when we learn of his tolerance and
broad-mindedness. He advocated the study of Greek for
cultural purposes ; he would not exclude women from such
study ; he interpreted the Biblical account of the destruction
of the Egyptians in the Red Sea, saying that the angels then
wanted to sing to God but that God silenced them with the
words (Talmud : Megillah pb), "The works of My hand are
now sinking in the sea, and you want to rejoice" ; and on the
basis of the Biblical verse, "Are we not all sons of the same
Father?" he insisted on treating his slaves humanely, having
them eat the same portions and dishes which he ate. In the
story of Judaism it is valuable to know that Johanan bar
Nappaha established basic rules for interpreting the Mishnah,
even as in earlier centuries rules had been set for interpreting
the Bible.

CRISIS AGAIN CRYSTALLIZES JUDAISM 159

Johanan called Resh Lakish his right hand. It was he who
induced Resh Lakish, a powerfully-built giant of a man, to
resign as showman in a Roman circus in order to become a
scholar, and incidentally to marry Johanan's sister. Resh
Lakish did not disappoint his brother-in-law. His sharp mind
was able so to smooth out difficulties between two conflicting
and contradictory statements that the saying arose : to see
him at work in a house of study is to see him take two moun-
tains and grind them together. Resh Lakish fearlessly voiced
his opinions, perhaps because he could always rely on his
physical strength in the event that the argument became
heated. It was indeed daring of him to suggest in that age
of literal acceptance of the Bible that the Book of Job was
only a drama or parable and that there never did exist a man
called Job who lived through the experiences recorded. The
same daring led to his expressed opinion that the names of
angels originated in Babylon, not among the Jews. No mat-
ter how many authorities were opposed to a particular opin-
ion, he judged it independently on its own intrinsic strength
and soundness : all the more credit to him.

The remaining generations of Amoraim in Palestine grad-
ually decreased in importance. Whichever scholars did
stand out were members of Johanan's school at Tiberias, and
they continued upon the foundations established by Johanan.
But the best work had already been done. What followed
simply continued on the earlier momentum. Political con-
ditions, shifting from bad to worse, squelched whatever im-
pulse there may have been for fresh, independent develop-
ment.

15. CRISIS AGAIN CRYSTALLIZES JUDAISM

ROME was in control of Palestine. The years from 235 to
284 witnessed one long stretch of anarchy in Rome. Then
Diocletian became the absolute monarch of Rome, assisted
by three fellow-rulers. Determined to unify the harassed
Roman government, he issued an edict prohibiting the prac-
tice of the Christian religion: it was his purpose to restore
the Roman heathen worship of old as part of the program

160 THUS RELIGION GROWS

for national integration. He ordered the Samaritans, too, to
worship idols with libations; acquiescence in this regard
classed the Samaritans as heathens, and thereby completed the
cleavage from Judaism.

In 323 Constantine became the supreme and only ruler of
the Roman Empire and just before he died in 337 was bap-
tized into Christianity. Under him Christianity became a
tolerated religion and then an established religion. Becoming
Christian in name did not always mean that the baptized em-
perors of Rome became likewise Christian in benevolence and
in brotherliness. Moreover, when certain of the Church
Fathers thus gained political power, they who had been per-
secuted became the persecutors. So, from the fourth until
the nineteenth century, history records the sad spectacle of
the mother religion, Judaism, suffering all manner of sorrow
and contumely from a perversion of the daughter religion,
Christianity.

Constantius II, son of Constantine, with the proclamation
"My will is the Church Law," imposed dreadful restrictions,
because of which many of the Palestinian scholars, out of
despair, migrated to Babylonia. Roman soldiers passing
through Palestine compelled Jews to violate many of their
laws. There is one instance of the Torah having been
burned, an injury which instigated a Jewish insurrection;
four Palestinian cities, we are told, were destroyed in the
way of punishment. Jews, moreover, were forbidden to an-
nounce their yearly calendar, and because of this, tradition
recounts, one of the patriarchs fixed a permanent calendar
for all time.

Devotees of Judaism breathed with relief during the reign
of Julian, for he believed in freedom of religion, holding,
"You are all brothers ; God is the Father of us all." It seems
that Julian even promised to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem,
but apparently nothing was done about it because of his
death in a military campaign shortly afterwards : had he lived
longer, who knows what turn the Jewish religion may have
taken. As it was, Emperor Theodosius I, in the year 380,
made Christianity the state religion : all other public worship

CRISIS AGAIN CRYSTALLIZES JUDAISM 161

was prohibited. This was a death-blow to heathenism,
which, banished from the cities, withdrew to secret places
in the villages : here we have the origin of the term paganism,
which is derived from the Latin word paganus ("peasant").
Church dignitaries led frenzied attacks against heathen and
Jewish worship. The continuance of Judaism became prac-
tically impossible. Finally, in 425, under Theodosius II the
Palestinian office of patriarch came to an end.

Altogether there had been fifteen patriarchs. For some
time the patriarchate had been weakening. It had fallen con-
siderably from the high standard of Judah the Patriarch.
No longer was the patriarch the first scholar of the genera-
tion, or even the head of the school. His office became pri-
marily political in the unsavory sense of that term and
occasionally he was amenable to bribes in the matter of ap-
pointing rabbis for the individual communities. It is told
of one such appointed rabbi, an ignoramus, who had not a
thought to convey to the assemblage through his "interpre-
ter," the public orator. The public orator therefore arose
and quoting as his text the verse from Habakkuk (2 -.19) :
"Woe unto him that saith to the wood, Awake ; to the dumb
stone, Arise, it shall teach" he added, "Shall this man teach ?
Behold he is surrounded by gold and silver, but he has no
spirit in him ; he is naught else but a piece of wood with gold
and silver around him." When such a pass had been reached,
it was just as well that the patriarchate came to a close.

With conditions so distressing, there was the threat again
of all the accumulated learning scattering to the winds unless
it were gathered and preserved. Therefore, in the first quar-
ter of the fifth century, the comments and additions and
decisions relative to the Mishnah were assembled in a collec-
tion which is known generally as the Talmud Yerushalmi, the
Jerusalem Talmud ("teaching"). The name is not quite
accurate, since there really were no Jews in Jerusalem at this
time: Palestinian Talmud, would be the truer description.

The collection seems to have been made abruptly, as though
pressed to completion by reason of apprehension for the
future of Palestine Jewry. Not sufficient time and attention

162 THUS RELIGION GROWS

were given to a compilation of such proportions. Large por-
tions are missing : the entire Order, Holy Things (Kodashim),
and all but three Chapters of the Order, Purities (Tohorot),
are missing : they may never have existed, or they may have
been compiled only to have been lost in the stress of some
emergency. The language of the Jerusalem Talmud is not
uniform, classical passages being in Hebrew and those of
popular origin and content written in the colloquial Aramaic.
As we would imagine, most of the Talmud is of a legal nature,
only about one sixth being non-legal or homiletic.

This was a time for gathering in all that was valuable, in
anticipation of the threatening storm. In addition to the
Talmud, special collections were made of the homilies which
the rabbis preached in the synagogues and discussed in the
schools and in the light of which the Jews thought and lived
their religious life. These homiletic interpretations of Bibli-
cal texts were called Midrash Haggadah ("narrative") to dif-
ferentiate them from the legal interpretations, Midrash
Halakah. They were popular discourses aiming at religious
instruction and moral discipline. Although they revolved
about the application of a Biblical text, they drew profusely
from various sources of illustration, seeking constantly to in-
terest, to fascinate the attention, sometimes even to entertain.

There are two arrangements of homiletic Midrashim. One
arrangement follows the continuous series of weekly Sabbath
readings from the Pentateuch, covering the entire Pentateuch
in the course of three years, as was the custom in Palestinian
worship ; each weekly reading was called a Sidra, and there-
fore these are the Sedarim Midrashim. The second arrange-
ment is according to addresses based on the Biblical readings
for certain special Sabbaths and for the Festivals ; these are
called Pesikta Midrashim.

Of the Sedarim Midrashim (the first method of arrange-
ment which follows the regular order of Sabbath pericopes)
there were competing collections, but the one which is known
as Midrash Rabbah ("the large Midrash") became the most
popular and the most frequently read : it includes a volume
for each of the Five Books of Moses and also a volume for

CRISIS AGAIN CRYSTALLIZES JUDAISM 163

each of the five "Scrolls" Lamentations, Song of Songs,
Ruth, Ecclesiastes, Esther read in the synagogue on desig-
nated occasions ; the oldest and the most important is the
Midrash on the Book of Genesis, which lends itself so well
to homiletic fancy (nearly a quarter of Genesis Rabbah con-
cerns itself with but the first nve chapters of Genesis) ; much
of the material goes back very far, with a gathering of the
material indicated during the second and third century and a
final compilation in the early part of the fifth century ; the
latest insertion is the Midrash on Numbers which probably
did not assume its final form until the twelfth century. A
rival group of Midrashim for the triennial Sabbath cycle of
the Pentateuch are the Tanhuma Midrashim, called such be-
cause of the abundance of homilies attributed to Rabbi Tan-
huma bar Abba who lived in Palestine at the end of the fourth
century : a characteristic of this collection is the frequent be-
ginning with the words Yelammedenu Rabbenu - "may our
master teach us" after which there follows the question on
some legal point, and when the legal matter is disposed of in
a few remarks there then comes the extensive homily, for
which the legal bit was intended only as an opening lead,
and the conclusion usually sounds the note of hope for better
days to come.

Of the Pesikta arrangement of Midrashim those that deal
with special occasions, the Sabbath during Hanukkah, four
Sabbaths preceding Passover, the Prophetic readings on the
twelve Sabbaths preceding Succoth, etc., and the Festivals
there were likewise competing collections. The oldest of the
Pesikta collections is called Pesikta d'Rab Kahana, probably
completed in the seventh century. The Midrash Tanhuma
also has Pesikta homilies. And in the middle of the ninth
century the Pesikta Rabbati ("the large Pesikta") was com-
posed, but this is largely an assembly of many homilies found
elsewhere. There was bound to be a good deal of overlap-
ping and repetition.

All these homiletic addresses dwelt upon the same funda-
mentals of Jewish life which are taught in the Mishnah and
similar legalistic literature. Why then were they necessary ?

164 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Because preaching popularizes teaching good preaching, of
course. There is nothing like an ingenious twist of a text,
or a specific illustration, or a good story, or an occasional
dash of humor, to captivate the attention and stir the imagina-
tion. By contrast, nothing can be as dry as a law-book.
Thus we find that the homilies of the rabbis breathed life into
the Law of Judaism. Their addresses, in each generation,
renewed a zeal for living the Jewish life.

1 6. THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD

IF the political skies in Palestine clouded up, they at least re-
mained clear in Babylonia. That was one advantage in the
dispersion of the Jew to several countries. In the more favor-
able surroundings of Babylonia the enlarged interpretation of
the Mishnah enjoyed more extensive and more prolonged
concentration.

A spurt of activity was introduced in Babylonian scholar-
ship through the great stimulus of the leaders, Rab and Sam-
uel. Rab's real name was Abba ; he was called Rab because
that appellation means "master" and he was, indeed, a master
of Jewish lore. Having studied under Judah the Patriarch,
he brought to Babylon the authoritative Mishnah which be-
came the text for further amplification. The city Sura,
where he opened a school, was notorious as a seat of igno-
rance but by his genius he transformed it into a seat of learn-
ing, which it remained for many centuries. Because of his
wealth Rab was able to maintain many disciples; he is said
to have enrolled twelve hundred of them. To accommodate
even larger numbers, and also to enable them to earn their own
livelihood, he would assign them individual research for a
period of five months and then have them assemble for a
month of communal study and review. These were the
two months of the year which were called Kallah months,
months of assembly one preceding the Passover spring fes-
tival and the other preceding the autumn Rosh Hashanah sea-
son. In addition to his scholarship, Rab was gifted with
magnificent powers of speech. The word went the rounds

THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD 165

that when he read the ritual and praised God he performed
a "mizwah" (a meritorious act) simply with the grandeur of
his voice. His sermonic orations drew tremendous crowds ;
on the Sabbath preceding Holidays, it is said, the influx of
visitors to Sura to hear him exceeded the housing accommo-
dations of the city and overflowed to the banks of the Eu-
phrates where the pilgrim audience was obliged to spend the
night.

The good work of Rab was perpetuated in the school at
Sura by his disciple Rab Huna who succeeded as head for
forty years, an unusually long term during which he could
achieve much constructive work. Unlike his predecessor,
Rab Huna had no independent means but was forced to
struggle as a farmer for his livelihood, so that whenever he
was called upon to act as a judge he stipulated that someone
else be appointed to labor for him in the fields while he
turned his attention to the affairs of the people. Rab Huna
is only one illustration of the majority of the teachers and
rabbis who were by no means sequestered from the battle of
life, living in "splendid isolation," nor did they resort to their
scholarship as a tool wherewith to earn an income, nor did
they establish an ecclesiastic caste wherewith to enrich them-
selves. They worked with their fellow men shoulder to
shoulder, and only their spare time, their leisure hours, could
they devote to religious instruction and guidance. In his
later years, when Rab Huna had become well-to-do, he was
able to give his entire time to his school, by having attendants
look after the fields. It was then his delight to apportion a
large part of his wealth to the support of many poor students.

Rab Samuel, a contemporary of Rab, did for Nehardea
what the latter had accomplished in Sura. Of the two, Sam-
uel was the more versatile. His knowledge of astronomy was
extensive for those days, and we have his own testimony that
he knew the paths of the stars of the sky as well as the streets
of his native city. In the practice of medicine as well he
acquired considerable skill, specializing in a cure for the eyes.
His expertness in the understanding of civil law is indicated
in the opinion of the Talmud (Niddah 24 b) that "the law

166 THUS RELIGION GROWS

is according to Rab in matters of ritual prohibition, but ac-
cording to Samuel with regard to civil suits." That the law
of the country in which Jews live is binding upon them,
remains as one of Samuel's most important statements and
expresses the attitude adhered to in Jewish practice the world
over. A significant dictum, one which emphasizes broad-
mindedness and honesty while condemning hypocrisy and de-
ceit, is : "Don't steal the mind of human beings, not even of
heathens" (Talmud: Hullin 94 a); wrong advice and two-
faced dealings were to him tantamount to stealing the mind.
With regard to the coming of the Messiah, too, Samuel ex-
hibits his enlightened views : among many of the rabbis, spec-
ulation as to what would occur in the days of the millennium
ofttimes exceeded the bounds of levelheadedness one, for
example, gave his opinion that in those golden days loaves
of bread would grow from trees but Samuel held that the
only difference between the present world order and the days
of the Messiah could be freedom from subjugation to gentile
authorities and powers, and that has become the most gen-
erally accepted Jewish version of the Messiah.

In the year 259, five years after Samuel's death, Babylonia
was invaded and Nehardea destroyed. This necessitated the
removal of Samuel's great academy to Pumbeditha. Al-
though Nehardea was rebuilt several years later it never re-
gained its former scholastic fame.

It was Rab Judah ben Ezekiel who reorganized the school
in Pumbeditha, by the river Euphrates. He had received
most of his knowledge from Rab but was more attached to
Samuel. Especially brilliant in legal cases involving money
matters, Judah ben Ezekiel earned for himself the description,
"the sharp one of Pumbeditha." He worked out many new
points in the elaboration of Jewish Law : four hundred of his
statements are mentioned, in the name of Rab and Samuel.
Judah looked askance at the departure of Babylonian disciples
to study in Palestine under Rab Johanan; he was eager to
develop the local academies. Through this great energy
Pumbeditha did indeed become first in the order of academies,
surpassing that of Sura.

THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD 167

The leading scholars after the death of Judah ben Ezekiel
(299), were Rabbah bar Nahmani and Rab Joseph. Joseph
was nicknamed "Sinai" because of his prodigious memory,
for he could carry in his mind all the tradition which was
given to Moses on Mount Sinai. Rabbah, famous for bril-
liance rather than memory, was spoken of as one whose
mental acumen could uproot mountains. Contrasts in type,
yet they both consecrated their God-given powers to the
glory of God. Rabbah took over the leadership of the
Pumbeditha academy and during his twenty-two years of
supervision he added to the prestige which Judah ben Ezekiel
had given it. To enliven his lectures, it was customary for
him to open with a touch of humor and frequently to puzzle
his audience with paradoxical questions, but when he came to
the point of his message he did not hesitate boldly and frankly
to reproach his coreligionists for falling below the high stand-
ard of Torah, and, to tell the truth, this habit of talking
straight from the shoulder made him many enemies. At his
death, Joseph succeeded him as principal but lived to hold
that high office only two and one half years.

When the vacancy was declared in Pumbeditha, after
Joseph's death, four candidates presented themselves. It was
decided that the four discuss a particular subject and that the
one rendering the best discourse be chosen. Abaye won
the audition and the position. He was pious, modest and
humble as well as learned. But being of limited means, he
was not able to subsidize as many scholars as did a rival
teacher in the city of Mahoza. He had only two hundred ;
the other attracted one thousand.

Thus learning continued in Babylonia. Troublous times in
Palestine brought to Babylonia an influx of Palestinian schol-
ars. A teacher of influence would occasionally open a school
of his own and attract scholars about him ; after his death his
school would likely close, and the scholars would return to
the more established schools. Opinions between schools
were interchanged. Therefore, although there were many
academies the trend of development was rather uniform, fol-
lowing the well-established lines of the Mishnah, to enrich

168 THUS RELIGION GROWS

and deepen the content and spirit of authoritative Judaism.

Finally, under Rab Ashi, the voluminous discussions and
elaborations of the Mishnah were arranged. As head of the
Sura school he reclaimed for it its former prestige. For
fifty-two years did he occupy that prominent post. More-
over, he had means, he was friendly with the rulers, and it
was only a matter of time before he was recognized as the
pre-eminent Jew of Babylonia. A rare combination of
qualifications had singled out Judah the Patriarch, more than
two centuries previously, as the only one capable of editing
the Mishnah and of giving it unique authority, so now Rab
Ashi came to the fore with the requisite qualifications for the
complicated task of editing the vast amount of material which
had accumulated all these decades upon decades. The effort
occupied many years, but by the time of Ashi's death in 427,
the work was ninety-five percent completed. When com-
pleted, it was to become the Babylonian Talmud.

After Ashi's death, the undisturbed rabbinic preoccupation
with Judaism was shattered. The Persian ruler Yezdegird
II instituted the first persecutions the Jews in Babylonia ever
felt. Influenced by the Magian priests of the dualistic religion
of fire-worship, he sought to compel the peoples of other
religions in his realm to accept his own : "You should have
the same religion your king has, especially as we have to ac-
count for you to God." His orders prohibited the keeping
of the Sabbath, and the recitation of the Shema declaration
of Monotheism in the Jewish Service. To overcome the lat-
ter prohibition, it seems that the Shema was introduced at
another part of the Service, in the Kedushah, where its pres-
ence would not be suspected and even after the persecutions
ceased it retained that position as a memento. . . In grow-
ing, religion acquires scars of combat that never disappear.

For more than two centuries after Ashi's death conditions
fluctuated from bad to moderate, but they did not take a
definite turn for the good until the year 640 when the Arabs
arrived in Babylonia, and then they remained favorable until
the eleventh century.

Before the advent of the Arabs, though, when faced with

THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD 169

the danger of censorship or possibly dispersion or annihila-
tion, the Jewish leaders decided to close the Babylonian ver-
sion of the Talmud and to set it to writing. Realizing that
the activities of the schools would be seriously interfered with,
they saw the necessity of preserving the Talmud and of cir-
culating copies of it among the people. They therefore took
advantage of a temporary cessation of persecution, following
the year 485, and brought the Talmud to a close. Rab
Ashi had already accomplished the greatest part of the task,
and yet it took approximately to the end of the fifth century
to reach the final conclusion.

The end of the fifth century also marked the end of the
period of the Amoraim, the designation applied to the scholars
mentioned in the Talmud but not in the Mishnah. The
teachers who followed in the sixth century are known as
Saboraim, the explainers and interpreters, who could no longer
express their own opinions, but were limited to expounding
opinions contained in the Talmud.

We have seen that there are really two Talmuds, both based
on the authoritative Alishnah of Judah the Patriarch. One
contains the teachings of Palestine and the other the teachings
of Babylonia. The Babylonian Talmud, however, played
the more important part in the religious life of the Jew, be-
cause at a later date conditions in Babylonia improved and
allowed that country to continue to function as a center
of Jewish life, whereas Palestine never did regain its greatness.
Actually there are no great differences between the two
Talmuds, for there always were communications between the
schools of the two countries, with frequent exchange of infor-
mation.

The Babylonian Talmud, known as Talmud Babli, has
perhaps wider interests and certainly greater length. It
includes also more non-legal material (Midrash Haggadah),
amounting to about one third of the entire contents ; this is so
because there were not as many separate collections of homi-
lies in Babylonia as there were in Palestine. Though the
more complete of the two, even in the Babylonian Talmud
many sections are missing. Talmud Babli is familiarly known

1 70 THUS RELIGION GROWS

as "Shas," a Hebrew abbreviation for the words which mean
"six Orders," corresponding to the six Orders or volumes
of the Mishnah. Whereas there are sixty-three Tractates in
the six Orders of the Mishnah, only thirty-seven are to be
found in the Babylonian Talmud: the Palestinian Talmud
thus becomes important for filling in gaps, provided of course
that the passages for supplementation are to be found even
in the Palestinian Talmud.

The religious principles and practices of the Talmud are
virtually the same as of the Mishnah, being an extension of
the latter; in fact, the text of the Talmud first quotes the
passage from the Mishnah and then elaborates upon it (the
non-Mishnaic discussion by itself being designated Gemara).
Once Rabbinic Judaism was established it maintained a char-
acter of permanence. While it is true that the more profuse
data of the Talmud, the variety of illustration and utilization,
must of necessity represent an advance and a modicum of
change, yet generally speaking the religion of the Mishnah
remained unchanged. The Talmud (which, when not other-
wise designated, means the Babylonian Talmud) with the
Mishnah embodied in it became the authority and source
for the Jewish religious life of the Middle Ages.

17. HOW JUDAISM HELPED MOHAMMED
FORMULATE HIS RELIGION

BABYLONIA remained the hub of Talmudic activity, but star-
tling events were stirring Arabia during the seventh century.
Arabia, because of proximity to Palestine, had frequently
served as a haven of refuge to troubled Jewry. Groups of
Jews, it is likely, made their way thither at the time of the
destruction of the First Temple. Definitely it is known that
they fled to Arabia when the Second Temple was annihilated.
So the stream of migration continued in the various times of
crisis. Even from Babylonia a large body of Jews betook
themselves to Arabia in the second half of the fifth century
when the Persian restrictions became oppressive. Altogether,
then, there was quite a Jewish population in Arabia.

HOW JUDAISM HELPED MOHAMMED 171

In the city of Yathrib, later called Medina, there were three
independent Jewish tribes; the district of Khaibar they in-
habited ; in the south too, in the district of Yemen, there were
large numbers of them scattered among the Arabs. The Jews
and the Arabs both being Semites, with similar language and
customs and tribal organization, managed to get along very
well as neighbors. Jews were superior in one regard, in their
religion and in their possession of the Bible Arabs called
them "Ahl al-Kitab," People of the Book. It was relatively
easy for Judaism to acquire converts amongst the heathen
Arabs since by their own customs they were already circum-
cised. We know of many tribes coming over completely to
Judaism. Indeed, the history of sixth century Arabia records
a small Jewish kingdom, of short duration but of widespread
and prolonged fame. It stands to reason that in such circum-
stances the way of Jewish living must have penetrated into
the life of Arabia and must have predisposed even the heathens
to a type of message approximating that of Judaism. Thus
the Jewish religion prepared the way for Mohammed and
the religion of Mohammed.

Mohammed, "the praised one," was born in Mecca in 569,
or possibly 571. His father had died prior to his birth and
his mother he lost at the age of six. Thus handicapped,
Mohammed spent his childhood at hard work, among the
Bedouins of the desert. With his uncle's help he became a
merchant, travelling with caravans to Syria and Palestine.
When twenty-five years old, he entered into matrimony,
marrying a wealthy widow fifteen years his senior. She
helped him enormously in his trade, he admits, through her
piety and shrewdness. Until the age of forty, Mohamn>ed
was the average successful business man. Then something
happened and Mohammed stepped out of the anonymity of
the world's masses into the notability of the world's masters.

In his travels for trade Mohammed had met many interest-
ing Jews and Christians to whose talks on religious matters
he had listened intently. He had been greatly impressed by
the Bible stories, especially those regarding Abraham. Al-
though illiterate, Mohammed possessed a fine, receptive mind

172 THUS RELIGION GROWS

which retained this religious information, so that, in time,
when the knowledge of higher standards of religious conduct
made him disgusted with the heathenism of his country the
worship of the Kaaba Stone in Mecca which had given rise
to over three hundred idols, and also the extreme immorality
in the practice of drowning excess infant girls who might be
hard to marry off and thus prone to prove a liability to the
family Mohammed had something better to offer : the Mono-
theism and the ethical patterns which he had learned. Un-
doubtedly he was influenced in good measure by his wife's
relative, Waraka, who had accepted Judaism and who knew
the Bible well.

It was at first a great struggle for Mohammed to modify
the religion of the Arabs. In the earlier part of his activity,
the period in Mecca from about 612 to 622, he made use of
economic conditions to propagate his new doctrine. Power
was then monopolized in the hands of the few rich, and he
was sure to attract a large following of poor merchants when
he preached the Jewish idea: God is the possessor of all;
he punishes the rich who are wicked; therefore should the
wealthy give charity to the poor, and God will reward
them.

The new faith Mohammed promulgated he called Islam,
meaning "complete devotion," or "surrender" to God. The
believer who surrenders himself to God's will he designated
as Muslim (a grammatic declension of "Islam") or as we pro-
nounce it, Moslem. In Mecca he worked out the essential
part of the Koran, consisting of one hundred and fourteen
Suras, chapters, speeches with intense messages. The doc-
trines which he here set forth were borrowed largely from
Judaism. He began : "There is no God beside Allah" but
he added: "There is no prophet beside Mohammed." The
Trinity and the use of images in worship he opposed. His
ritual he based on that of Judaism, even insisting that his fol-
lowers turn to Jerusalem in prayer and that they fast on the
Day of Atonement, as did the Jews.

In 622 Mohammed was forced to flee from Mecca because of
the disturbance he had incited among the heathen tribes. He

HOW JUDAISM HELPED MOHAMMED 173

escaped to Yathrib, the residence of three Jewish tribes. Here
Mohammed sought the support of the Jews. They did not
particularly oppose him, for they were pleased to see the
growth of Jewish doctrine and the emphasis on Monotheism.
His scribe even was a Jew. But when Mohammed persisted
over and over again that he was God's foremost chosen mes-
senger, trouble began. Jews would not agree that "there is
no prophet beside Mohammed" certainly they could not ac-
cept him in any way in the nature of a Messiah. No amount
of kindness on his part would budge them. Then did his
love turn to hate. A year after his arrival in Yathrib which
subsequently came to be called Medina, the City of the
Prophet he severed his treaty of friendship with the Jews of
the city, and attacked them with the speech which is recorded
in the second Sura. He now wanted his worshippers to face
Mecca, not Jerusalem. He now argued that the Bible really
contained references to his coming and that the Jews de-
liberately deleted them.

Encouraged by a victory over the heathen tribe which had
earlier forced him to withdraw from Mecca, Mohammed now
took the offensive. He made it his objective to dispose of
the Jewish tribes in Yathrib, attacking first the Kainukaa
tribe. Before hostilities began he saw to it that the leaders
were secretly killed off one by one. Then on the Sabbath
he arrived at a Jewish meeting, demanding that they accept
his faith. A negative rejoinder amounted to a declaration of
war. Victorious, Mohammed compelled the Jews of this
tribe to settle their affairs and in three days to quit Yathrib,
even if it did mean leaving behind their extensive estates.
Mohammed was a strategist. He attacked the Jewish tribes
one by one. If only those tribes had realized that in union
there is strength ! Many times at the point of defeat, Mo-
hammed pulled through with brilliant and frequently ruthless
campaigns, until he succeeded in overcoming his enemies,
heathen and Jewish. The erstwhile simple merchant now be-
came the mighty ruler of a vast domain. In 630 Mecca
capitulated and immediately became the sanctuary of Islam.
One by one, the Arab tribes which had surrendered ac-

i 7 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

cepted Islam, but not so the Jewish tribes. Still, toward the
end of his life Mohammed was tolerant to the Jews, now
that their strength was broken. The burden he imposed con-
sisted mainly in special poll and land taxes.

From the standpoint of Judaism there is very little that is
new or original in Islam and it is therefore not surprising that
the Jews found no need to change their religion to that of
Mohammed. To them, Islam was a compromise between
Judaism and the heathenism of Arabia, with a certain amount
of Christianity interpolated.

The names, Allah, Koran, Sura, Islam, and the vast number
of other appellations relevant to the Mohammedan religion
are Arabic forms traceable to cognate Hebraic terminology.
Among the doctrines of Islam, the belief in Monotheism and
the importance of charity and hospitality are in line with the
Jewish teachings, although Judaism would not picture the
deity so naively anthropomorphic as in Islam, nor with so
much emphasis on Satan and the angels, nor with the same type
of luscious reward promised for the world beyond. The doc-
trine of fatalism, that everything is predestined, and the belief
in Mohammed as the greatest of God, Jews certainly could
not accept. The Islamic duty of praying with utter devotion,
as though cut off from the world, is thoroughly Jewish, al-
though the specific ceremonials are not. Akin to Jewish obli-
gation is the injunction to fast, but it receives a decided
Mohammedan character in that one month of the summer,
the month Ramadan, is observed by refraining from food,
drink and smoking during the daytime, with permission to
do all these things at night, to the extent of carrying them
to licentious excesses. The pilgrimage to Mecca the birth-
place and to Medina the burial-place of Mohammed is a fur-
ther duty of Islam. As judged by non-Moslems, the most
objectionable obligation imposed on believers is the religious
duty of Holy War to convert the world to that religion, the
booty of such warfare to be divided, half to Mohammed's de-
scendants and half to charity.

Although Mohammed died in 632, Islam lived on, and
through the impulse of Holy War spread rapidly to North

JUDAISM FLOURISHES 175

Africa, Palestine, Byzantium, the Sassanian Empire, and to
Spain.

In the world of the twentieth century there have come to
be more than two hundred and fifty million Moslems, and if
the belief in the One God or the practice of charity has helped
these people to live more abundantly than as heathens, then
may not Judaism look upon this achievement as a noteworthy
offshoot in the growth of the Jewish religion ?

1 8. THROUGH QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
JUDAISM FLOURISHES

IN 640 the Arabs conquered Babylonia and the surrounding
area, known together as Mesopotamia and named Irak by the
Arabs. The significance of this conquest is appreciated when
it is remembered that Babylonia was still the center of Jewish
activity. In view of the Magian repression of Judaism there,
the Jewish population received the Arabs with open arms and
even gave valuable assistance to the invaders, for which they
were granted the privileges of autonomy.

Under the new arrangement of Jewish self-government,
the exilarch, who had been responsible for the taxes from his
fellow-Jews, was recognized as the political head. The in-
stallation of the exilarch was conducted with great ceremony :
on that particular Sabbath there was a solemn procession in
the streets ; in the synagogue a special platform was erected
for him and the leading scholars ; when he was honored with
the reading of the Scroll of the Law, it was brought over to
him ; and he was given special mention in the Kaddish prayer.
He enjoyed a special income from private taxation, and he
had the right to appoint the supreme judge as also the judges
of the separate communities. The residence of the exilarch
was at Sura until the second half of the eighth century, and
afterwards at Bagdad.

Apart from the political set-up, the religious life of the Jew
was guided by a dual leadership of the two Geonim. Gaon
was the title applied to the principals of the schools at Sura
and at Pumbeditha. The full title, President of the Academy

176 THUS RELIGION GROWS

"Excellence ('Gaon') of Jacob," was abbreviated by singling
out the most important word, Gaon. Although this title came
into being at about the end of the sixth century, after the last
of the Saboraim, little is known of the Geonim until the Arab
conquest of 640, after which that office continued until the
middle of the eleventh century. For the first two centuries
of the gaonate, only the head of the Sura school was called
Gaon Rab Ashi had placed that academy in the forefront
while the president of Pumbeditha held a subordinate position,
for he had to be at the same time a member of the Sura
academy; at the public functions of the exilarch the Gaon
of Sura preceded his colleague upon entering, and he sat at
the right of the exilarch whereas the leader of Pumbeditha sat
at the left. The custom developed of supporting the
academies in this manner: when a rabbi had a difficult re-
ligious problem he forwarded it to the schools for solution
and included a donation for whichever school he specified :
in the event of unspecified donations, the money was divided
in the proportions of two-thirds for Sura and one-third for
Pumbeditha, but with a later shifting in the importance of the
schools, beginning with the tenth century, an equal division of
the funds was made.

Each of the academies consisted of seventy ordained
scholars, corresponding to the number in the Sanhedrin of old
in Jerusalem. These scholars sat in the first seven rows of the
lecture hall: ten to a row, with a chairman for each row.
Disciples filled the remaining available seats. At the head of
the seventy scholars was the Gaon and second to the Gaon
was the supreme judge. Each academy had jurisdiction over
certain provinces in Mesopotamia, from which they received
revenue, and over which they judged. The judges were
vested with the authority of supervising religious law and
moral conduct. Two elders in each city would be chosen
to inform the judge of conditions in the city, to help him in his
work, and even to supervise the activities of the judge, but in
case of an unworthy appointee to demand that he be deposed.

The communal leaders were given powers of enforcement
by the secular authorities where monetary cases were involved,

PAYYETANIC POETRY 177

but in purely religious cases they had no means of punish-
ment other than social ostracism of the first, second or third
degree, with the recommendation of severity for cases of
immorality. In their closely knit communal life, social ostra-
cism was a good enough threat to enforce obedience to the
religious law. Thus the moral and ethical and ritual require-
ments of Judaism were not merely to be preached, not merely
to be appreciated, but to be practiced. The religious as well
as the civil law had "teeth" the all-important power of com-
pulsion.

The work of the Geonim was mainly to teach the Talmud
and to elucidate the difficult passages. More than that, they
gave decisions to questions which were not directly answered
in the Talmud, either because the Talmud had failed to con-
sider them or because new conditions brought new problems.
The main result was to confirm the standardized Judaism of
the rabbis, and beyond that, the degree of advance was only
that which the new circumstances dictated.

The influence of the Geonim was at first only over Babylonia.
But with the Islamic conquest of a great part of the civilized
world, Jews, scattered far and wide, were brought closer to-
gether, with Babylonia the focal point. From France, Ger-
many, Italy, Spain and Northern Africa, religious questions
came to the Geonim. Their studied replies were accepted as
authoritative. For guidance, the Geonim themselves naturally
resorted to the Talmud which they knew, the Babylonian
Talmud, and thus they established the Babylonian Talmud as
binding rather than the Palestinian Talmud.

The responses which they gave to the avalanche of ques-
tions constitute a great commentary on the Talmud. About
five thousand of these Responsa are still preserved, but alto-
gether there must have been about twenty or thirty thousand
Responsa in the literature of the Geonim, a large-scale corre-
spondence course in Judaism.

19. PAYYETANIC POETRY

To the Jews of Palestine, too, the extensive Arabic conquests
brought a shade of relief. It gave them greater access to

i 7 8 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Jerusalem, not only for purposes of plaintive pilgrimage but
also to settle there. To Jerusalem the school of Tiberias trans-
ferred its activities. There is an indication that a gaonate
now flourished in Palestine, but little is known beyond the
sheer fact ; the destruction of the records in subsequent cen-
turies deprive us of further information. We do know some-
what more fully that the Arab environment in which the Jews
now found themselves awakened interest in poetry, especially
prayers set to poetry, which in Judaism are known as
Piyyutim.

The Psalms of the Bible reached a peak of excellence in
prayerful poetry. Then, after a lapse of many centuries, the
poetic expression of religion again came to the fore, in the
Piyyutim.

What was the underlying cause for this renascence ?
There is considerable uncertainty. It may be traceable to
an edict made in 553 by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian,
prohibiting in the synagogue Service the use of what
he calls "deuterosis," which he claims is not contained in
Scripture and is therefore not divine but is the invention of
the people. What then is this "deuterosis"? Most prob-
ably the sermons, based on a Midrashic interpretation of the
Sabbath Scripture reading, and intended to encourage the ob-
servance of Judaism while also to hearten the worshippers
with a concluding reference to the better days of the Messiah
which are yet to come. Such a message of invigoration would
fortify the Jewish resistance against any acceptance of Chris-
tianity, and that was contrary to the wishes of Justinian. If
these indispensable sermons were prohibited, it would be
necessary for Jews to resort to a stratagem. The reader of
the Service could compose poetry resembling the regular pray-
ers but really containing the elements of a sermon and em-
bodying the same religious stimulus! Hence, the possible
origin of the Piyyutim.

This liturgical poetry which seems to have begun in the
sixth century, in a time of persecution, broadened in the
poetic milieu of the Arabs. Payyetanim is the name given
to the authors of the Piyyutim, and the oldest known com-

PAYYETANIC POETRY 179

poser of this synagogal poetry was Jose ben Jose, who used
blank verse but no rhyme. Yannai was the Payyetan who
introduced rhyme, which even the Psalms did not employ;
he had a Piyyut for each Sabbath of the year, each of the
Piyyutim being a mixture of both legal doctrine and moral
preachment. His disciple Eleazar KaHr, of the middle of the
seventh century, employed rhyme regularly, and it is reason-
able to conclude that he was influenced by the famous Syriac
poetry. So far as we can tell, the three of these Payyetanim
lived in Tiberias ; if so, Tiberias was the home of the Piyyut.

At this time too, in the middle of the seventh century,
Tiberias figured as a center for Jewish grammarians. The
vocalization of the Hebrew text of the Bible originated here.
The scholars who devoted themselves to the exact reading of
the vowels for the Hebrew words, scholars who are known
as Masorites, scrutinized the words of the text with painstaking
care. They examined what had been done previously in this
regard and acquainted themselves with all the traditions rele-
vant to the reading of the text. Inasmuch as the original
Hebrew spelled out only the consonants, it took a good deal
of scholarship and understanding of the grammar to fill in
the dots and dashes which were placed under the consonantal
letters, or sometimes above them, to indicate the vowels.
Once this was done, it established an unchangeable text, which
was at the same time easier to read. The accents and notes
for chanting were also joined to the words by the Masorites.
It would be too much to expect unanimity of opinion in an
undertaking of this nature ; numerous infinitesimal details were
disputed between the two conflicting groups in the Tiberias
school as well as between the two schools in Babylonia. Un-
til the beginning of the tenth century, these activities of the
Masorites continued.

All along, Rabbinic Judaism held sway. Poetry and gram-
mar were its auxiliaries. The Talmud was its authority and
the Geonim its interpreters. To facilitate the application of
the Talmudic Law, the necessity was soon recognized of ar-
ranging it into a convenient digest, eliminating the cumber-
some, extraneous material. Otherwise, one would have to

i8o THUS RELIGION GROWS

wade through dozens of pages of irrelevant discourse to reach
the nucleus of information he desired. The first digest was
codified by (blind) Yehudai Gaon at about 760, and it
was later revised and re-edited, at about 900, by Simeon
Kayyara.

The value of such a compendium is indicated by the
fact that despite the many countries to which the Jews had
migrated, despite the contacts with Christianity, Zoroastrian-
ism, and Mohammedanism, despite the divergence of attitudes
amongst Jews themselves, the Judaism of the Mishnah and
Talmud retained its supremacy throughout the years. If
there were disagreements, they were altogether individual and
remained inarticulate.

20. THE FIRST THREAT TO RABBINIC JUDAISM:
RISE OF KARAISM

THEN the first serious threat to Rabbinic Judaism appeared on
the clear horizon. As wisps of mist are blown together into
threatening clouds by a stiff wind, so the Arabic conquests,
which like a gale swept over the Near East, whipped into
small groups the heterodox elements of the various religions
which lay in the path of Islam.

Where Mesopotamia joins onto Persia, the sectarian clouds
of Judaism were gathering. There, towards the end of the
seventh century, a tailor, Abu Isa by name, regarded himself
as a forerunner of the Messiah. Word spread that by divine
inspiration he had written great books. In his message, he
adhered to the rabbinic laws of prayer, but insisted on seven
times of prayer daily instead of the usual three. Jesus and
Mohammed he regarded as true prophets, enjoining his fol-
lowers to read the Gospels and the Koran. The eating of
meat and the drinking of wine he prohibited. It is said that
he gathered ten thousand followers and that while fighting the
Persian army he marked out a circle about the camp, within
which he assured his men they would remain unharmed;
lo and behold! the enemy approached the circle and the
wizardry frightened them off. But when Abu Isa pursued

RISE OF KARAISM 181

them to the wilderness he met his death.- His followers scat-
tered and the last remnant died out in the tenth century.

Abu Isa's immediate disciple in Persia, Yudghan, also as-
sumed the role of a prophet and called himself the shepherd
of the nation. In addition to prohibiting the eating of meat,
he indulged in much fasting. It was his opinion that the Sab-
bath and Festivals should not be adhered to as in Biblical
times but held only as symbols. Ultimately, when brought in
conflict with the authorities, he met his death together with
his nineteen disciples.

The sectarian stirrings in Judaism materialized into some-
thing more permanent in the second half of the eighth cen-
tury under the leadership of Anan ben David. In Persia,
where he lived for a time, Anan became attracted to the
heterodox opinions then in the air, and that seems to have
militated against his appointment to the exilarchate, after his
return to Babylonia. His younger and less scholarly but
safely orthodox brother was chosen instead. Thereupon
Anan declared himself the opposition exilarch and this act,
tantamount to rebellion against the caliph, landed him in
prison to await the death sentence. There, in prison, Anan
met good company, none less than Abu Hanifa, founder of
the great Mohammedan system of casuistry. This prominent
Arab lawyer advised Anan to name himself head of a new sect
in Judaism. To establish a new sect would be a fairly simple
matter : it but required some knowledge of the uncertain and
ambiguous commands of the Pentateuch ; these could then be
interpreted contrary to the rabbinic interpretation. Presto,
a new sect ! Then so went the advice after having greased
the wheels of justice with a respectable bribe, when the trial
came Anan could maintain that his brother had been appointed
the head of two religions, not one ; therefore his own claim
to be acknowledged exilarch, for his own sect. At the trial,
Anan proved himself an apt pupil of an able teacher. In
addition to insisting upon the independence of his sect, he dis-
played a high regard for Mohammed and Islam (that did not
hurt any) ; in the end, he who was to have died left prison
a favored friend of the caliph.

182 THUS RELIGION GROWS

To establish his new sect Anan opened with the protest that
the rabbis had built a structure of Judaism which was entirely
a castle in the air, without any solid foundation in the Bible.
In his Book of Precepts (Sefer ha-Mizwot) he laid down
a new structure which he considered firmly grounded in the
Bible. But in doing so he clung pathetically to the lead of
the rabbis. An authority on Karaism (A. Harkavy, Jewish
Encyclopedia, Vol. I, p. 554) * states the case well when he
writes that "Anan's relationship to the rabbinical or traditional
legislation may be compared to that of a traveller in an un-
known region who, though he desires to separate from his
guide, realizes that he is not able to find the way by himself,
and is thus compelled to follow his leader, to keep his eyes
riveted on his footprints, and at the same time to select parallel
paths and side-lanes in order to maintain the appearance of
independence."

With certain modifications, Anan did indeed follow the lan-
guage, style and hermeneutic rules of Bible interpretation as
found in the Talmud. While refusing to recognize tradition
as a source of religious obligation, refusing even to recognize
the agreement of majority opinion as authoritative, he did
resort to the Biblical text for the support of his doctrines, even
if obliged to force the text. Such deduction from the Bible
he derived through the analogy of words or even letters
which was the old, established rabbinic method.

To introduce an element of newness and difference Anan
polished up the moldy and discarded bits which remained as
vestiges from the Sadducees and Essenes of old. The more
rigid observance of the Sabbath he took from the Sadducees,
in which the burning of any lights or fire is prohibited, making
it necessary to spend Friday evening in darkness, and impos-
sible to have any warm food on the Sabbath ; travel to the
extent of leaving the house is forbidden, unless it be for prayer
or necessity. Like them, too, he opposed a fixed calendar,
favoring lunar observation by which to arrange the seasons
of the religious year. Like them and like the Christians he
advocated that the Pentecost Festival should always be ob-

* By permission of Funk & Wagnalls Co., publishers.

RISE OF KARAISM 183

served on a Sunday. In the forms of worship he attempted an
imitation of the Service of the Temple, discarding the rabbinic
liturgy and restricting prayer to the Psalms and other Biblical
portions; he would have the Torah read daily, and a half-
yearly cycle for the synagogue recital of the complete Torah.

Seeking to unite to himself the heterogeneous groups opposed
to Rabbinic Judaism, Anan borrowed teachings from the body
of lore of Abu Isa and Yudghan ; for example, the refusal to
eat any meat but that of the deer and the dove as a sign of
mourning for the demolition of the Jerusalem Temple.
Again, to please the residue of Abu Isa's and Yudghan's fol-
lowing, and also the Christians and Moslems, he looked favor-
ably upon Jesus and Mohammed as great prophets for their
respective religions.

From Abu Hanifa, his friend in time of need, Anan learned
more than how to avoid a prison term. From him he learned
to use the words of the Bible for symbolical meaning, a method
which he applied widely to adduce Biblical support for his
own teachings. From him, or from the one-time Hellenists,
Anan took over the belief of the transmigration of the soul.

Throughout, Anan interpreted Judaism much more strin-
gently than did the rabbis. For instance, he had no use for
human physicians or for human medicine. In the rules of
clean and unclean, of Sabbath and Festival observance, of the
slaughtering of animals, of the practice of circumcision, of the
marriage and ceremonial laws, he insisted on greater strictness
than did the rabbis. These exacting restraints, bordering on
asceticism, may be explained by his recourse to the old teach-
ings of the Sadducees and Essenes, and by the lesson which
the rapid disappearance of the liberal sects of Abu Isa and
Yudghan conveyed to his mind. The effect was just the
opposite of what he may have intended. Before long it was
discovered that such rigid standards could not be maintained
in practical life, so that those who insisted on adhering to them
had perforce to isolate themselves and become a sect of her-
mits, somewhat as the Essenes had done. These extremist
Ananites made for Palestine during the ninth century. As
"mourners of Zion" they settled in Jerusalem to fast and pray,

1 84 THUS RELIGION GROWS

to try to live the impossible ascetic life. Impossible it was,
for the tenth century saw the entire disappearance of the band
of extremist Ananites.

The bulk of Anan's followers were brought to a more
moderate position, a saner and more enduring position, by
Benjamin ben Moses Nahawendi. Teaching in the first half
of the ninth century, Benjamin while not voicing his disap-
proval of Anan did move a great distance away from the
latter's interpretations. In some regards he moved closer to
the rabbis, adopting some of their ordinances though not
imposing them upon his followers such as a more lenient
interpretation of the Sabbath which allowed a certain amount
of travel, and other concessions which Anan had opposed.
But in the fundamental principle he agreed with Anan, that
Scripture be resorted to and searched for guidance in the
religious life. He would not clamp one down to the authori-
ties but advocated loyalty to those convictions which result
from a penetrating inquiry into the original text. That being
the goal, the sect now acquired a designation descriptive
thereof. Karaites means Scripturists, or "men of the text."
Hence, Karaism is the name of the movement which began
with Anan and flourished from the eighth to the twelfth cen-
tury, continuing in a weakened form thereafter.

Benjamin Nahawendi included in his theology the idea that
it was an angel of God that created the world and revealed the
Law : mark the resemblance to Philo's Logos perhaps Ben-
jamin too derived the thought from the Hellenist philosophy.
The soul seemed to him part of the body and perishable with it.
A good deal of his intellectual energy he spent allegorizing
passages in the Bible, and in this way he introduced consider-
able moderation in the application of the Biblical laws.

If Benjamin opposed Anan, the founder of the sect, he
was at least delicate about it. A more bitter and more de-
cided opposition, however, was directed by a later contempo-
rary of his, Ishmael of Akbara. Though a Karaite, Ishmael
rather bluntly dubbed Anan as asinine. Was this a case of
the pot calling the kettle black ? This gratuitous insult must

RISE OF KARAISM 185

have come as a reward to Anan's principle, "Search thor-
oughly in the Torah and do not rely on my opinion."
Though liberating, such freedom would lead to a good deal
of confusion and diversity of opinion. Indeed, the main
agreement of the Karaite teachers, especially in the ninth cen-
tury, was the agreement to differ with Anan. Inevitably,
many subdivisions of Karaism arose ; one was that begun by
Ishmael of Akbara. It is illuminating, incidentally, to know
that Ishmael observed that errors had slipped into the Hebrew
text of Scripture and that in some instances it was therefore
preferable to refer to the Septuagint translation and the Sa-
maritan text for this is a conclusion of the modern science
of Biblical criticism.

A disciple of Benjamin, Daniel ben Moses al-Kumisi, was
the leading Karaite at the end of the ninth century. He too
saw the error of Anan and his extremist followers. Whereas
he had first spoken of Anan as Chief of the Sages he later
came to refer to him as Chief of the Fools. Following the
Karaite precedent of freedom of thought, he differed from his
teacher Benjamin by refusing to regard speculation as reli-
gious authority and refusing to resort to allegorical inter-
pretations of Biblical Law. The simple sense of the word of
Scripture, the natural meaning, was for him the criterion.
He opposed Benjamin, again, in denying the physical existence
of angels, insisting that when they are mentioned in the
Bible they are meant to refer to forces of nature by which
God operates. He is in line with Karaism in deciding upon
stricter interpretation of the Law, forbidding any work on
the Sabbath even if done by a non-Jew, forbidding the burn-
ing of lights on the evenings of Festivals, forbidding the eating
of those animals which of old had been utilized for Temple
sacrifices. With Anan he agreed in the former's understand-
ing of the levirate marriage. Daniel would not allow the new
moon to be determined by calculation, for such calculation
he condemned as astrology. The New Year he would ob-
serve, not as was done, on the first of the month of Tishri,
but on the tenth day of the month, which was really the Day

186 THUS RELIGION GROWS

of Atonement. No responsibility would he impose for the
observance of the precepts of the commandments until the
twentieth year, not the thirteenth year. Serious departures
indeed these were from the rabbinic religion.

A remarkable Jewish radical of this unsettled period can
be classed as neither rabbinite nor Karaite. Neither of these
attacked the Bible ; the point of their disagreement was mainly
with regard to the authority of the Talmudic interpretation
of the Bible the Bible itself, though, remained inviolate as
the ultimate source of truth. But Hiwi al-Balkhi, the unclas-
sifiable radical, assembled two hundred items of criticism
against Scripture. His book created quite a stir, inducing
school teachers to use an expurgated Bible in which the pas-
sages to which he objected were missing. Although his work
was refuted and suppressed some fifty or sixty years after-
wards, Hiwi did strike out by projecting questions in the ninth
century which still protrude in modern thought, questions
such as why man should sin at all, or why man should be
mortal.

Karaism, the growing sectarian movement in Judaism, was
now entering the heyday of its development. Its ramifications
were spreading. The time had arrived for a historian to sur-
vey the field. He came in the person of Abu Yusuf al-
Kirkisani, whose activities lie in the first half of the tenth
century. His survey of Karaism is critical, tracing the Jew-
ish sects from the Samaritans right through to Daniel al-
Kumisi. While admiring Anan and frequently defending
him, al-Kirkisani does not agree with the severity of his legal
interpretations. Beside being a historian, al-Kirkisani is note-
worthy as the first Karaite author to advocate the guidance
of common sense in matters of religion. In investigation he
insists upon subjecting the proofs to the test of reason. Thus
resorting to reason and philosophy, he took over without
modification the views of the Mohammedan philosophers.
Later on, though, this tendency led to a split in Karaism
between those who would continue in the way of al-Kirkisani
and the more orthodox who would shun philosophy.

RATIONALISM DEFEATS KARAISM 187

21. RATIONALISM DEFEATS KARAISM AND ENTERS JUDAISM

THE roots of Karaism were reaching deeper and wider into
Jewish life. During the ninth century they had reached into
Babylonia, Palestine, Syria, Persia, Egypt. The menace to
the unified normal Judaism of these many centuries was be-
coming formidable.

At first, the rabbinic leaders, the Geonim, had been un-
aware of the growing menace. Then, with the aid of the
exilarch who could impose restrictive measures, they endeav-
ored to quash Karaism ; that but strengthened the Karaites,
spreading them over a larger area. The exilarch soon lost
a good deal of his power. Because of a dispute between two
rival candidates for the office, one of whom was a Karaite,
the controlling caliph arbitrated that any group of ten people
whether they be Jews, Christians, or Magians have the
right to elect their own religious head ; such a decision,
while tolerant, would tend to undermine the communal or-
ganization and to encourage religious unrest and a splitting up
of Judaism. With the weakening of the exilarchate, it was
imperative for the Geonim to fire their own bullets. It was
best that the fight within the Jewish religion be transferred
from political to religious and intellectual grounds. It was
both wrong and undesirable for Judaism to commandeer a
fashion of unity by means of the excommunicative ban. The
obligation rested upon the Geonim to convince the dissentient
Jews that their allegiance belonged to Rabbinic Judaism which
was the proper Judaism.

But the Geonim were not sufficiently equipped to do this.
One of the most scholarly of them, Hai ben David, who served
at the end of the ninth century as Gaon of the Pumbeditha
academy when it was removed to Bagdad, the flourishing
capital, translated Anan's "Book of Precepts" from Aramaic
into Arabic (or Hebrew), probably in order to refute it, but
that did no discernible damage to the Karaites. The Geonim
could not hope on their own self-appointed ground to gain
a victory over Karaism. The Karaites did not recognize the
validity of Talmudic Judaism : any arguments based on state-

1 88 THUS RELIGION GROWS

ments with the Talmud as authority could not possibly carry
weight with anti-Talmudists. But this was the only Judaism
the Geonim knew, and even in the Talmud many of them did
not distinguish between that which is authoritative legally
and that which is wholly legendary or homiletically fanciful.
Of secular subjects and philosophical arguments they were
in blissful ignorance. It was on these grounds, however, that
the battle would have to be carried on.

Within the Karaite schism, with all those in fact who were
waiting to rebel against the authority of the rabbis, theological
and philosophical speculations were becoming increasingly im-
portant in the tenth and subsequent centuries. The influence
was largely Arabic. In Islam, during the second half of the
eighth century, the orthodox school which adhered to the lit-
eral understanding of the Koran and its traditional interpreta-
tionwhich included a belief in fatalistic predestination and
in divine anthropomorphisms was opposed by the rational-
istic school which would modify fatalism and eliminate
anthropomorphisms ; these Arab rationalists were called Muta-
zila ("separatists"), and because they ventured to subject to
analytic discussion the basic principle (kalam) of the Koran
they were also called Mutakallimun Kalamists, for short.
Borrowing the doctrines of Leucippus and Dcmocritus and
other Greek philosophers of old, the Kalamists insisted on
using reason as a means of arriving at theological knowledge.
To the Koran which they looked upon as the revelation of
truth they wanted to add their own careful observation and
speculation in the search of truth and in the understanding
of the Koran.

From the Kalamists the Karaites took much of their am-
munition.' To put up a convincing fight against the Karaites
the rabbinic defenders had to use the same ammunition ;
they were obliged to defend traditional Judaism with the philo-
sophic arguments of the Kalamists.

Who was there to lead in battle ? No one in the schools of
Babylonia nor in the sacred villages of Palestine was equal to
it. Reports were arriving of a lively youth of great erudition
holding forth in upper Egypt, in a place known as the Fayum.

RATIONALISM DEFEATS KARAISM 189

This youth, Saadia, knew his Jewish subjects remarkably well
and he knew the Arabic language with its Mohammedan cul-
ture equally well. He knew Karaism too and he knew that
he was opposed to it. When only twenty-three years of age
he launched out into a red-blooded literary attack on the teach-
ings of Anan. The row he started won him a hearty send-off
good riddance that same year, when he had decided to
travel to Palestine.

In the Holy Land, Saadia participated in a dispute of an-
other sort. The Gaon of a Palestinian academy insisted on
reserving for Palestine the time-honored right of declaring
the day for the observance of the New Year, and the day
he designated differed from that decided upon by the Baby-
lonian authorities : thus he exposed to the danger of internal
division the Rabbinic Judaism which was already weakened
by Karaism. Saadia saved the situation, successfully arguing
the Babylonian position in this complicated matter in his dev-
astatingly learned "Book of Festival Seasons."

Saadia proved himself the man of the hour. Here was a
sorely needed leader for the campaign against Karaism. The
Babylonian academy at Sura had fallen low ; there was talk of
disbanding it ; a vacancy occurred through the death of its
Gaon. Here was an opportunity to place Saadia in a com-
manding position. "It is true that Saadia excels in wisdom,
piety, and eloquence ; but he is firm and unbending, of a com-
bative disposition, and when he has made up his mind he will
recoil before none," in these words a religious leader of that
day sought to discourage Saadia's appointment in favor of a
rival for the Gaonic post. That was sufficient recommen-
dation for the exilarch to choose Saadia. A Gaon with a
"combative disposition" was in that emergency like a gift from
heaven. It meant breaking a long-established precedent when
the exilarch elected for Gaon of Sura one who was not a native
of the land, but Saadia upset other precedents as well.

Two years after his appointment, Saadia proved himself true
to his recommendation: unbending. The exilarch had de-
cided in favor of a litigant in a lawsuit involving an extensive
inheritance. In accordance with custom, the Gaon of the

i 9 o THUS RELIGION GROWS

Pumbeditha academy ratified the decision. But Saadia, know-
ing that the exilarch would benefit financially from the
decision, refused to ratify it. No amount of cajolery or
coercion would make him. An open conflict resulted; the
exilarch deposed him from his post. Saadia with his integrity
retired to Bagdad and there he did his best work. Seven
years later the quarrel was patched up and Saadia returned to
Sura as Gaon. But five years afterward in 942, at the age
of sixty he died, having exhausted himself. To the school
of Sura he gave a new spurt of life, and had he not been re-
tired for the seven years he may well have restored it to its
erstwhile glory.

His attack on Karaism, from the beginning to the end of
his career, proved Saadia's greatest immediate achievement.
True, he had tried his talent at liturgical poetry, and had even
composed a rhyming Hebrew dictionary for writers of verse,
but his verse failed to rise above an artificial, even if skilful,
manipulation of words ; he had composed a book of prayer,
with an Arabic addition of liturgical comment, but it did not
gain extensive use. Saadia's real importance lies in his re-
sounding victory over the Karaites. Their philosophical
methods he converted into a boomerang, using them as he did
to justify the traditional development of Judaism.

Saadia's opus magnum, "Beliefs and Opinions," written
originally in Arabic and translated into Hebrew (Emunot
we-Deot) two centuries later, blazed a new trail. Making use
of the Kalamist methods and doctrines, Saadia set out to
establish on the basis of reason, experience, and the perception
of the senses, those religious truths which believers accepted
entirely through the revelation recorded in Scripture. It was
his aim, as he states expressly in the introduction, to put an
end to the religious confusion then prevalent and the blunders
then hailed as new-found doctrines. His philosophic reason-
ing, as he pursues it in the book, leads him to the understand-
ing of a world created by God ex nihilo. If God is creator,
then it follows that He possesses life, power, and knowledge.
These are His attributes. Opposing the doctrine of the
Trinity, Saadia emphasizes the absolute unity of God as well

RATIONALISM DEFEATS KARAISM 191

as His spiritual character. The highest life is to be lived in
obedience to the life which was divinely revealed in Scrip-
ture : some of the commands are possible for man to under-
stand by his reason and others must be obeyed solely because
they are divinely revealed, although they too can be explained
on rational grounds. The omnipotent and omniscient God
has given man free-will to choose to obey these laws. The
soul is distinctly related to man and it undergoes no transmi-
gration, but there is, according not only to the Bible but
on the basis of reason and natural law, the resurrection of the
dead. Right through, Saadia combines reason and revelation
in a search for truth, justifying traditional Judaism on a philo-
sophic basis. God gave us both reason as well as revelation.
Thus, in a real sense, he established the foundation of the
Jewish philosophy of the Middle Ages.

In the attempt to confirm the Bible rationally it becomes
necessary to scrutinize all the more closely the precise meaning
of Biblical passages and even words. Differences in tense
might change the meaning. One sentence when wrenched
from its position in the entire chapter and interpreted as an
isolated specimen might yield a fantastic conclusion. There-
fore it was recognized as essential to know the Hebrew scien-
tifically, that it was not enough to give a loose translation. To
know its grammatic subtleties was paramount. These requi-
sites prompted Saadia to undertake a detailed study of Hebrew
grammar. Publishing the results of his investigation, he be-
came the first scientific grammarian of the Hebrew language
and his rules and methods of inquiry were closely followed by
subsequent grammarians. His approach to a scientific knowl-
edge of the Hebrew language combined with the deliberate
ideal of rational investigation gives Saadia a special position
of originality in the field of Bible exegesis ; this is patent in
his comprehensive commentary to one half of the Pentateuch
and to other Biblical Books, including Isaiah, Psalms, Prov-
erbs, Job.

He found time to translate the Bible into Arabic the au-
thoritative translation in that language, even as the Septuagint
had become the classic Greek translation; at the same time,

i 9 2 THUS RELIGION GROWS

the Arabic translation could be referred to by the general run
of Jews as a key to the understanding of the Arabic language,
giving access to the expanding Arabic culture.

O O JT O

Also in the realm of purely Halakic scholarship, in the well
traversed road of Talmudic legalism, Saadia stands out as an
innovator. For the first time in Judaism, he made a systematic
arrangement of the vast material, dividing into categories of
subject matter all the Biblical commandments : this material
he then presented methodically, arguing its validity on the
basis of the Bible, then on the strength of the Talmud, and
finally, as confirmation, according to the demands of reason.

Scientific method, philosophic agility, Talmudic scholar-
ship, unsparing energy and polemic courage combined in the
one person Saadia landed upon Karaism a staggering blow
which shocked the sect into a desperate determination to retali-
ate. Grammarians and lexicographers riveted their eyes to
the Bible, exegetes dug into the Bible for their ammunition,
codifiers arranged and rearranged the laws of Karaism, schol-
arly warriors hurled their slanderous missiles at Saadia. This
constituted the Karaite counter-attack, and for it the ranks
of the Karaites were well-equipped during the tenth, eleventh
and into the twelfth centuries. In the end they lost out.
Saadia had discovered the vulnerable spots of Karaism ; he
had shown the defenders of traditional Judaism by his example
how best to wage the battle, and now his example was fol-
lowed.

The spokesmen of Rabbinic Judaism concentrated on the
precise syntactical understanding of the Bible ; they pursued
a systematic study of the Talmud ; they acquainted themselves
with the currents of philosophic thought. By the second half
of the twelfth century the greatest philosopher of medieval
Jewry arose and he, Moses Maimonides, wielded all the powers
of his scholarship in defense of Rabbinic Judaism. It was he
who completed the victory of Saadia. Unlike Saadia, Mai-
monides was tolerant to the Karaites. He could afford to be.
So thoroughly and all-encompassingly did he combine the
Jewish religion with the philosophy of his day that he left
no quarter for the Karaite thinkers.

REVIVAL IN SPAIN 193

From then on, the intellectual side of Karaism was on
the downgrade. The Karaites in the Near East those who
did not merge with Islam rejoined the main body of Jews,
and whatever Karaism remained lingered on in Europe, where
it had planted itself during the second half of the eleventh cen-
tury. After a brief and unsuccessful attempt to put up in
Spain, the Karaites made their way into Turkey, southern
Russia and Lithuania. In Russia they survived as an innocu-
ous sect. There, in the nineteenth century, when Jews were
plagued with persecution, the Karaites sought to spare them-
selves this pain by disassociating themselves from the Jews.
With the aid of documents forged by Abraham Firkovich, one
of their scholars, they persuaded the political authorities that
they had resided in Russia since the seventh century B.C.E.
and that they had taken no part in the crucifixion of Jesus.
Thus having cleared themselves, they were awarded full civil
liberty in Russia, while the rest of Jewry continued to suffer.
But the number of Karaites went on dwindling.

At the beginning of the twentieth century there were ten
thousand of them in Russia and two thousand in the other
countries of the world. Since then, with the advent of Com-
munism in Russia, who knows but that only a handful of
Karaites linger on as a pitiful reminder of the hundreds of
thousands who at one time menaced the unity and supremacy
of Rabbinic Judaism ?

22. DECLINE IN BABYLONIA AND REVIVAL IN SPAIN

THE stimulus required to subdue Karaism generated a spurt
of activity which brought a healthy virility to the growing
body of Judaism.

It was not in Babylonia, however, that the spurt came.
The Babylonian academies were now on the decline. That
was evident in the case of Saadia : he had received his train-
ing in Egypt; it had been necessary to import an outsider
to put some life into the Sura academy. After Saadia's death,
the school at Sura closed until 987 ; it reopened until 1040,
when, after a total existence of eight hundred years, it closed

i 9 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

forever. The Pumbeditha school was more fortunate. Hav-
ing been transferred to Bagdad, the capital, it managed to
continue with long interruptions, until the end of the thir-
teenth century.

The last of the Pumbeditha Geonim of any importance
were Sherira, gracing that exalted position from 968 to 1006,
and his son Hai, who continued the leadership to 1038. Both
of these received and answered more questions on rabbinic
Law than any other of the Geonim. Sherira was quite liberal,
and in his replies instructed the people not to accept Haggadic
statements of Jewish tradition that is, flights of oratorical
fancy or just casual remarks unless they accorded with com-
mon sense and the Bible; Sherira deserves mention also for
one of his Responsa in which he traced the history of the
continued Jewish tradition, through the Talmud to his own
day. His son, Hai Gaon, stressed the new emphasis on gram-
mar, poetry, and lucidity in Talmud interpretation ; he codified
the civil law of the Talmud; he, gave authority to a ruling
that where differences are to be found between the Babylonian
and the Palestinian Talmud, the preference goes to the former.

A break in the activity of Babylonia was brought about by
the economic distress consequent upon political disorders in
the eastern caliphate. Then in 1055 the conquering Seljuks
took Bagdad.

Where conditions were more favorable, new centers of
learning had arisen. Under the Fatimite dynasty in North
Africa, and in Egypt, there was a moderate opportunity for
intellectual expansion. Particularly in Kairawan : there, early
in the eleventh century, Hananel followed Saadia's lead in
using reason, the Bible and the Talmud as sources of truth,
in seeking the simple and direct meaning of the Bible, in tak-
ing a rational view of the Haggadah. His commentary on
the Talmud follows a connected pattern, explaining the text
concurrently, probably the first time it was done in this
manner, but a method which gained subsequently in usage ;
this facilitated the study of the Talmud as one went on from
passage to passage. Not much more merits mention in the
period of activity in Kairawan. A new ruling that none but

REVIVAL IN SPAIN 195

a Moslem may enter that holy city served to terminate the
encouraging but short-lived activity.

The new spirit in Judaism found its golden opportunity
to flourish in Spain during the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth
centuries.

Spain, which Jews identified with the Biblical name
Sepharad, had become the home of small numbers of Jewish
traders as early as the first century of the Common Era.
Laws enacted against them during the seventh century with
regard to the Mishnah and the Midrashim evidence the pres-
ence of these volumes in their midst as guides in the religious
life. The turning point came with the coming of the Arabs
and Berbers in 711. Burdens imposed by the Visigothic
kings and the fanatic priests were thereupon removed. A
boon of great consequence this was, allowing Judaism freedom
of study and growth. At first, Spanish Jews, lacking authori-
ties of their own, established close connections with the
Babylonian academies from whom they sought guidance in
the religious life. In the second half of the ninth century
they requested Amram, Gaon of Sura, to send them a com-
plete prayerbook. The prayer Service which Gaon Amram
forwarded was taken as basic for the ritual of the Spanish
(Sephardic) Jews ; as it developed, the ritual came to differ
in certain regards from the prayerbook which grew out of
the experiences of the German and French (Ashkenazic)
Jews.

Along in the tenth century, amidst the sunny culture and
liberal atmosphere of Spain under Mohammedan rule, Jewish
learning thrived. Under the patronage of the caliphs, Arabic
culture reached its zenith. Cordova, the capital, became the
seat of erudition. Arts and sciences were cultivated with
devotion. Philosophers and poets were honored. Seventeen
great universities and seventy useful libraries nourished the
needs of culture. Surroundings so stimulating must perforce
encourage torch-bearers of Judaism to show their talents.
All that was needed was someone to start the ball rolling,
and that prerequisite found fulfillment in the person of Hasdai
ibn Shaprut. Officially a physician at court and Inspector

196 THUS RELIGION GROWS

General of Customs, his knowledge of Latin and other lan-
guages won him diplomatic triumphs and in time placed him
in a position under two caliphs equivalent to Foreign Minister.
In this exalted rank Hasdai became not only protector of the
Jews, but patron of their culture, surrounding himself with
rabbis, thinkers, poets.

In the evolution of Judaism, it is illuminating to appreciate
the contribution made by the laymen of means and power,
whose good offices made it possible for the light of religion
to shine out the more brilliantly. Hasdai ibn Shaprut is the
illustration par excellence.

23. WHEN GRAMMAR DECIDED RELIGIOUS ISSUES

UNDER Hasdai's patronage, Hebrew philology received atten-
tion. His own literary secretary, Menahem ben Saruk, com-
posed the first complete dictionary of Biblical Hebrew, in
which the words were systematically arranged according to
their root-formation. Its goal was the better understanding
of Scripture ; it was therefore written in Hebrew, and for
illustration it restricted itself to quotations from Scripture,
disregarding the cognate languages. Immediately the book
gained lasting popularity, even in countries not as cultured as
Spain. Had he not limited himself to I lebrew citations, but
made additional reference to cognate languages to Arabic
or Aramaic, for instance for purposes of comparison and
clarification, the dictionary would have had greater scientific
value. Moreover, Menahem wrongly assumed that the
Hebrew words were based on two-letter roots, and this
erroneous theory led him into countless difficulties, since some
words seemed to have only one root-letter, and others as
many as five root-letters.

These deficiencies were severely criticized by Dunash ibn
Labrat, who had studied under Saadia and had criticized also
his teacher's philology. Dunash urged the need of studying
Arabic and Aramaic and of consulting the Aramaic transla-
tion of the Bible, the better to understand the Hebrew. On

GRAMMAR DECIDED RELIGIOUS ISSUES 197

two hundred points he refuted Menahem and in most of them,
though not in all, he was justified. His criticism was ruthless.
Personal honor as well as scholarship are they ever sepa-
rable ? were at stake. Luckless Menahem fell in Hasdai's
esteem ; he lost the latter's support ; he was accused of being
a Karaite; he was driven from his house and even attacked
by underlings. Amazing what potency there is in grammar !

The dictionary dispute was carried on to some extent in
verse. Dunash was the first to introduce meter in the poetry
of Spanish Jewry. He adapted the meter of the Arabs. Out
of these beginnings there developed in Hebrew poetry forty
kinds of meter. "In the days of Hasdai they began to chirp,"
remains history's testimonial to this odd introduction of
Jewish poetry in Spain the battle of grammar turned poetic.
For one thing, poetry thus introduced was sure to become
flexible. The disciples of Menahem and of Dunash continued
the battle of grammar, to which was added the new dispute
as to whether meter should be allowed in Hebrew verse.
What was the outcome ? A disciple of Menahem discovered
the true basis of Hebrew grammar, that three letters are
normal in the root-formation ; also, the use of meter intro-
duced by Dunash became an important element of Hebrew
poetry.

Poetry, thus revived, was not to be pursued independently.
It was to embellish Jewish life. Grammar was to clarify it.
The Talnjud, however, was still central. Its contents, Rab-
binic Judaism, ordained and taught the Jewish life. Poetry
and grammar were ancillary to it. Aware of this central
position of the Talmud, Hasdai invited the Babylonian scholar,
Moses ben Enoch, to found a school at Cordova for the
deeper and more searching study of the Talmud, and he pur-
chased from Sura accurate copies of the Talmud. The
caliph welcomed this move because now Spanish Jewry would
no longer be dependent on the Babylonian Geonim : he had
political reason for satisfaction. Whatever the caliph's mo-
tive, to Judaism it was an act of providence. At the disinte-
gration of the Babylonian academies, Talmudic scholarship

198 THUS RELIGION GROWS

did not remain orphaned. It was given a good home in Spain
and from Spain it reached out into all the Jewish communi-
ties of Europe.

Talmudic learning found a friendly welcome in France and
Germany, especially in the cities along the Rhine, beginning
with the second half of the tenth century, when the Jewish
communities had benefited by the law and order restored
through the strong rule of the Saxon dynasty. Famous for
his school at Mayence was Rabbenu Gershom ben Judah.
From Italy, France, and Germany he attracted students. To-
gether they studied the text of the Talmud, seeking unspar-
ingly to fix a correct version and to find the simplest and
clearest interpretation.

Noteworthy is Gershom's initiative in the matter of adjust-
ing Judaism to the exigencies of his day, yet not breaking
with the continuity of tradition. No matter how closely one
wanted to live in accordance with the Talmud, conditions in
new countries of Jewish habitation, far removed in spirit and
distance from the countries in which the Talmud took shape,
necessitated some modification. Modification in the form of
a new decree, called a Takkanah, could be made only by
those in authority ; it had to accord with the spirit of official
Judaism and to find justification in the Bible and Talmud.
(An early instance of such alteration in the law was to be
found in HillePs institution of the Prosbul.) Until the time
of Rabbenu Gershom the Jewish law allowed polygamy, the
accepted custom in Arab countries, although Jews rarely
practiced it. Jewish family life was moral to an exemplary
degree. Still, in western Europe, in a Christian environment,
polygamy was out of place, even if it existed only in writing.
Therefore Gershom, with the consent of a synod, enacted a
decree prohibiting polygamy. The decree was originally in-
tended for his own community, but and this is a good
example of how Judaism continued to grow almost imper-
ceptibly even when all efforts were bent to maintain the
status quo it was accepted one by one by the other com-
munities of Europe.

Another decree of Rabbenu Gershom prohibited the divorc-

GRAMMAR DECIDED RELIGIOUS ISSUES 199

ing of a woman against her consent, although at a later date
further changes were made in the law. One of his rulings
forbade persons to tamper with letters not addressed to them ;
this was calculated to prevent the bribing of messengers who
might reveal business secrets. When converts to Christianity,
who had been forced to their baptism by a temporary perse-
cution, sought to return to Judaism, some of the unthinking
Jews would taunt them: this led Rabbenu Gershom to
threaten with excommunication anyone who did so. In addi-
tion to all that, Rabbenu Gershom was also deeply concerned
with the accuracy of the Bible texts and with the interpreta-
tion of the Bible. The school which he established hummed
with activity for the greater part of a century.

Like the peoples among whom they dwelt and with whom
they associated on tolerable terms, the Jews of France during
the eleventh century were pious and devout. Unorthodoxy
was rare. None of the secular sciences was studied and
therefore the Jews of northern France produced none of the
philosophy which played so large a part among the Jews
living in Islamic Spain. Religion and learning were synony-
mous for French Jewry. Their poetic efforts were few,
restricted to the prayerbook. Their main attention was
focused on the Bible and Talmud, to supply clear and simple
commentaries explaining these sources of Judaism. Exegesis
for them was not just a study ; it was a key to Scripture, to
the more accurate knowledge of the life God wanted them
to live.

There was a pronounced contrast between the exegesis of
France and that of Spain. Philology was all important in
Spain, to ascertain the specific meaning of words, the
"peshat"; the philosophical activity in Spain rendered much
of the Bible a book of allegory, introducing thoughts into
the Bible that were probably never intended ; the desire for
an Arabic commentary was a causative factor in the exegetic
study. Quite different was the exegesis of France. The
faulty grammar of Menahem and Dunash was all the French
scholars knew ; they knew not the corrections made by the
disciples of these two. Still they were able to penetrate into

200 THUS RELIGION GROWS

the meaning of their texts by using their eyes to observe the
life going on about them and not eternally losing themselves
in tomes of speculation, failing to see life in reality as though
blinders were affixed. The exegetes of France called upon
their experiences to explain the Bible. Did not the Bible
come into being as a record of human experiences and there-
fore should not sound insight into human nature go a long way
in understanding it ? This homely aspect of French exegesis
made it the more popular.

The rise of French exegesis culminated in Solomon ben
Isaac (1040-1105), better known as Rashi the Hebraic ab-
breviation of his name. Earning his living at the wine trade
in the province of Champagne, Rashi served without re-
muneration as Rabbi of Troyes. Here he founded a school
whose halls echoed with the babble of study for the thirty-
five remaining years of his life. Rashi's eternal fame in the
annals of Judaism he earned by his two commentaries, one
on the Bible and one on the Talmud. The commentary on
the Bible is continuous, following each verse in the sequence
of the Biblical Books. Troublesome days toward the end of
his life prevented him from completing his work on the last
Books of the Bible Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles and these
were completed by his school.

In explaining the text Rashi steered a middle course be-
tween a precise definition and a more fanciful explanation,
veering somewhat toward the fanciful, enough to lend charm
and interest. It does seem that towards the end of his life
his grandson convinced him of the greater value in a com-
mentary which adhered more closely to the specific literal
meaning. Rashi made use of grammar, of course, in arriving
at a precision of meaning, especially when the meaning of the
word or verse involved a religious issue. His grammar at
times was faulty ; yet through a natural feeling for the lan-
guage he hit upon the real significance as though by in-
stinct. Obscure terms he clarified by quoting the equivalent
word in the French language of his day. Not a little of the
charm lies in the succinct and pointed style which reflects
the frank nature of his own character. What Rashi him-

GRAMMAR DECIDED RELIGIOUS ISSUES 201

self did not understand he did not try to explain, refusing to
resort to a barrage of words to conceal ignorance. The
commentary on the Pentateuch received the widest use and to
this day no child trained in the lore of traditional Judaism
can claim a proper understanding of the Pentateuch without
a knowledge of Rashi's commentary. It is the most popular
commentary and the best known.

Great as is the commentary on the Bible, Rashi's commen-
tary on the Talmud is even greater so great that Rashi won
the acclaim : "The greatest of the commentators, enlightening
the eyes of the diaspora." He deserved the title. His Tal-
mudic commentary outstripped all former efforts in the field.
The Talmud is not an easy book to understand, cluttered as
it is with technical terms, odd expressions, local references,
involved labyrinths of speculation. All this Rashi made clear,
removing at once hours of baffled searching. And he did it
with unbelievable brevity scarcely a superfluous word is to
be found. That is important, not to complicate what is al-
ready complicated. Some sections he revised three times, so
careful was he to achieve perfection. Yet within the confines
of brevity he had room for all the traditions there were of,
and about, the Talmud. Without Rashi's commentary the
Talmud would have remained unknown to any but the most
persevering scholars. In copies of the Talmud, therefore, his
commentary is read concurrently with the text. Even then
there remains sufficient difficulty to tantalize the mind.

Rashi's high standard was successfully maintained by his
school. Important compositions, attributed to Rashi, emanate
from his disciples. Two books of Responsa and legal deci-
sions are among these ; an outstanding work on the prayers
of the synagogue, Mahzor Vitry, and also a book giving deci-
sions with regard to liturgy ; a review of the Responsa and
the decisions of the earlier scholars.

The beautiful sequel to Rashi's scholarship is the fact that
his own children were his best disciples. His three learned
daughters (he had no sons) married men of learning, and the
grandchildren ran true to form. The greatest was Jacob
called Tarn, the "perfect." They, the grandchildren, scruti-

202 THUS RELIGION GROWS

nized the work of Rashi and supplemented it with their addi-
tions and corrections. This auxiliary commentary to the
Talmud which they began and which was continued for some
two hundred years is known as the Tosafot, the "Supple-
ments." Likewise, Rashi's example in writing commentaries
on the Bible was followed ; the grandchildren, however, paid
more attention to the literal meaning.

The Crusades came. The first, second and third Crusades,
tramping through France and Germany, convinced that the
plaguing of a Jew would secure atonement, they disgraced
the very name of religion. They repressed and all but stifled
Jewish creativeness in those lands.

24. THE BROADENING OF RELIGIOUS SCHOLARSHIP

IT is to Spain that we must turn to observe the further growth
in the religion of the Jew. Although the Moslem caliphate
was overthrown, and Cordova was sacked by the Berbers
and the country broken up into many petty kingdoms, yet,
Jews found a welcome in several of the principalities, early in
the eleventh century.

In Granada, Samuel ha-Levi rose from a grocer's shop to
the office of vizier, and he graced the role of patron in the
manner of Hasdai ibn Shaprut. On his own he was no
mean scholar : among his talents he could count the ability to
write and speak seven languages, a knowledge of the Talmud,
poetry, calligraphy and statecraft. To encourage study, he
spent large sums for copyists to reproduce the Mishnah and
Talmud and to distribute them among the poor students.

Solomon ibn Gabirol enjoyed for a time the patronage of
Samuel. An astounding genius was ibn Gabirol. Orphaned
early, and melancholy because of that, he exhibited a poetic
nature of remarkable temperament. At the age of sixteen an
appealing poem of his singled him out for greatness. Later
generations who loved to embroider upon his achievements
told many legends concerning him ; one, about a competition
at the caliph's court as to who could sing the best, the test
being the willingness of a hungry horse to forego his food in

BROADENING OF SCHOLARSHIP 203

order to listen Gabirol won. In keeping with the tempera-
mental artist, ibn Gabirol was a restless spirit always wander-
ing about, conceited, accusing others of stealing his verse,
expressing himself all too frankly. But his talent condones
his eccentricity. Think of him setting out at the age of nine-
teen to write a poem of four hundred strophes, giving all the
rules of grammar, arranged in acrostic form. Imagine gram-
mar taught through poetry ! In the Arabic language he
wrote an ethical work on "The Improvement of the Moral
Quality," and also a gathering of epigrams. Primarily,
though, he is known in the history of Judaism as the "night-
ingale of piety." Many of his Piyyutim found a place in the
liturgy of the Spanish Jews, so true and so beautiful is the
expression he gives to the longing of the soul. One poem,
incidentally, enumerates all the six hundred and thirteen pre-
cepts of Rabbinic Judaism. Altogether he created a hundred
and seventy-five religious, and one hundred and forty-six
secular, poems. These he wrote by the age of thirty, when
he died.

Had he lived longer, ibn Gabirol might have developed
into as important a philosopher as he was a poet. His most
sublime poem, "The Royal Crown," contains in essence his
philosophy, which he penned more prosaicly in the Arabic
"Fountain of Life." The philosophy is chiefly neo-Platonic,
combined with a strain of Jewish mysticism. Thus neo-
Platonism follows chronologically the philosophy of the Kala-
mists and becomes the second contact of medieval Judaism
with Greek thought.

Like the neo-Platonists, ibn Gabirol contemplates a tran-
scendent God, beyond the powers of man to apprehend intel-
lectually, an unknowable God. Only the rare individual may
on some isolated occasion lose his individual consciousness and
rise to a great ecstasy in which he merges for a moment with
God. According to ibn Gabirol, the universe emanates from
God, by stages, progressing from the pure to the impure, not
that matter itself changes in the stages of its descent and
this is where he differs from the neo-Platonists but that the
impurity attaches itself because of the great distance the later

204 THUS RELIGION GROWS

emanations have moved from the original source which is
God, somewhat as a ray of light loses its brilliance as it moves
away from the source.

So long as ibn Gabirol adhered to the poetic presentation
of his philosophy it was acceptable : it did not differ greatly
from the poetry of the Bible which speaks majestically of a
transcendent God. But only a negligible influence on Jewish
thought did the prose work exert. It was soon lost sight
of. A century later, when it was translated into Latin (his
name misspelt Avicebron, or something like that) the book
of Jewish philosophy was unknowingly accepted as the work
of a non-Jew and eagerly studied by the scholastics ; the error
was not discovered until 1 846. History proves many things :
in this odd case of mistaken identity, does it not prove the
similarity in the personal problems of both Jew and Christian ?
The Jew sought to know God, and through his search many
a Christian found God !

Very popular in Jewish circles was an ethical work by a
later contemporary, Bahya ibn Pakuda. The fervid style
and invigorating spirit of his "Duties of the Heart" met
with a ready response and influenced profoundly the medieval
Jewish understanding of piety. It distinguishes between the
physical and ethical laws of Judaism, to show that ethical
ideas underlie the physical laws. The first section deals with
God's unity. That leads to a discussion of God's ethical re-
quirements, which seem to be : piety of the heart rather than
outward performance, piety with a touch of asceticism
which teaching bears some resemblance to the mystical tend-
encies of that Islamic milieu. Bahya's charming exposition
of piety opened the floodgates of Jewish ethical literature.

In the broadening of Jewish scholarship the Talmud came
in for its share. The legalists in Spain were gaining a reputa-
tion at home and abroad. It is an amusing coincidence that
the five most prominent Talmudists bore the name Isaac. The
greatest, Isaac al-Fasi, a native of Fez (northern Africa),
made it his task to abbreviate the law-book for the Jewish
life, the Talmud. The ordinary rabbi could not master it
sufficiently to give guidance on a particular point the moment

BROADENING OF SCHOLARSHIP 205

he was asked for it, so vast was the Talmud. To simplify
matters, al-Fasi omitted most of the fanciful (Haggadic)
passages, also all the laws which were not applicable in his
day, such as laws regarding Temple sacrifices. Of the laws
that were binding, he contracted the discussions to include
only that which was relevant, and without delay he led up
to the Talmudic decisions, quoting in addition the decisions
of the Geonim as well as his own. This became the first
compendium of the Talmud. Now, when a question with
regard to Judaistic practice arose, it was a simple matter to
proceed directly to the authoritative decision as recorded
in the digest of al-Fasi.

A further aid to the elucidation of the Talmud was given
by Nathan of Italy, through the "Aruk," a complete diction-
ary of the whole range of the Hebrew and the Aramaic in
the entire post-Biblical literature. This work remained su-
preme in its field right up to the nineteenth century.

The zenith of attainment in Spain came during the first
half of the twelfth century. Both in Christian and Moslem
sections of Spain the political position was still favorable.
Patronage was no longer indispensable. A momentum of
scholarly zeal had already been set in motion. The leading
Talmudic scholars of the age were mostly disciples of al-Fasi.
In addition to the Talmud, studies included philosophy,
poetry, astronomy, the calendar, mathematics, medicine, phi-
lology, exegesis : yet they were all one, centered in Rabbinic
Judaism, auxiliary to it, enriching it, deepening it. Religion
was the hub. . . Has religion ever motivated a wider gamut
of interests ? Has religion ever attracted unto itself as lumi-
nous a galaxy?

One family in particular, the ibn Ezra family, contributed
lavishly to the religious culture of that day. One of them,
Moses, broke new ground as a literary critic, in his Arabic
treatise, "Causeries and Notes." Disappointment in love
drove him to verse. After the disconsolate lover had found
some consolation, he turned his talents to religious poetry.
He had the patience to labor over one poem running the
length of one thousand two hundred and ten verses. Some

2o6 THUS RELIGION GROWS

two hundred liturgical poems and three hundred secular ones
came from his pen. Beauty of diction and sublimity of
thought rank Moses ibn Ezra in the class of Solomon ibn
Gabirol.

But the greatest lyricist of them all was Judah ha-Levi. He
trained as a physician, he studied rabbinics under al-Fasi,
he mastered Arabic, Spanish, and metaphysics. Essentially,
though, he was a poet, bringing a variety of subjects love
and wine and friendship and nature under the spell of his
words. But the theme closest to his heart was his Judaism ;
in "silken speech" he articulated his devotion to it. His ex-
altation of the Jewish religion, his praises of the Torah and
the joy in obeying its commands, his sympathetic appeal to
the deepest emotions of the heart, matching the Psalms in
genius, did much to infuse into the Jewish religion a throbbing
reality, to prevent it from petrifying into a lifeless legalism,
while at the same time keeping it from evaporating into a
nebulous philosophic theory.

To show his dissatisfaction with philosophy, Judah ha-Levi
wrote a philosophic book. He used the methods of philoso-
phers, calling on the Aristotelian thought which had just been
rediscovered and become the vogue. He dealt with the con-
tents of philosophy the nature of God, man and the universe
developing a philosophy of history. The sum total of that
investigation was to condemn philosophy as totally unsatis-
factoryattractive perhaps, as are the flowering trees, but
bearing no fruit. This "Book of arguments and proofs of the
despised religion" (written in Arabic) he titled "The Cuzari."
He knew of the extraordinary occurrence in southern Russia,
brought to light by Hasdai ibn Shaprut, in which the king
of the Chazar people accepted the Jewish religion, somewhere
in the midst of the eighth century, so that three or four gen-
erations afterwards, Judaism was formally established as the
official religion of this kingdom which lasted into the eleventh
century. Judah ha-Levi made good use of this dramatic
event, which gives the title to his book. He framed the
story as a conjectured dialogue : the Chazar king discovering
in a dream the inadequacy of his own religious ritual calls

BROADENING OF SCHOLARSHIP 207

in Christian and Mohammedan philosophers to inquire of
their religions; when these refer to the Jewish sources for
their own religions, the king sees the wisdom of consulting
a Jewish scholar, of going directly to the sources and this
leads to his acceptance of Judaism. In each challenging ques-
tion of the king and each satisfactory reply of the Jew the
author progresses with the unfolding of his theme a method
of treatment reminiscent of Plato's Dialogues.

The central problem introduces the book and recurs over
and over again. How can God have any relationship with
man ? How can God appear to man ? Aristotle had taught
that God cannot be in any relation to anything. He simply is.
He thinks Himself. Entirely separated is He from the world.
Now the whole structure of Rabbinic Judaism had been
built on the basis that God had revealed Himself in some spe-
cial manner to the prophets of Israel, to the authors of the
Bible and its implied supplement the Talmud, which contained
the complete will of God, directing Jews how to live the
religious life. Here lies the difficulty which philosophy pro-
jects : if it is impossible for God to reveal Himself to man,
what happens to the whole basis of Rabbinic Judaism ? The
ground is taken away from under it. Saadia Gaon had
struggled with the problem but he could not solve it. Solo-
mon ibn Gabirol, the first systematic dualist, tacitly side-
stepped the problem by ignoring it. Not satisfied, Judah
ha-Levi boldly worked out the direct relationship between the
prophets and God and showed how it is possible.

To begin with, nature operates according to regular laws
which make it constant and unvarying ; God is constant and
unvarying ; therefore it is possible for God to be bound up
with nature, because both are constant and unvarying, and
fit in together. But man is not constant ; he is changeable ;
he is a free agent who can choose good or bad ; if God links
Himself to man, He necessarily makes Himself dependent
upon the good or bad action of man : that would reduce the
calibre of God. To use the illustration of the meshing of
gear-teeth : can changeable man mesh with the unchangeable
God ? That is the difficulty. Judah ha-Levi overcomes the

208 THUS RELIGION GROWS

difficulty by making of the prophet a supernatural being, a
member of the fifth kingdom of nature, above the plant,
mineral, animal, and human life. The prophet displays
powers which the ordinary man cannot understand, even as
the ordinary man displays powers which the animal cannot
understand. One formula expresses the entire plan of the
world. That formula exists in all the five kingdoms, but
the ingredients which enter the formula differ, and that is
what makes the difference in each of the five kingdoms of
creation. History is a continuation of nature in that it creates
a new type in nature, the prophet, because of the higher
ingredients prayer, piety, and so on which develop during
the course of history and build up the prophet. A special
ritual of religion which God has revealed to Israel creates a
disposition for the prophet to appear, even as the sun and
rain create a disposition for the plants to grow. Whereas
Bahya ibn Pakuda taught that the ritual law is only second-
ary to the moral law, and Saadia held that both are equal,
ha-Levi maintained that the ritual law is the more important
since it facilitates the creation of the higher type of life, the
prophet but still, the moral law is an indispensable prepara-
tion for the ritual. The formula according to which the
elements which compose life are combined is the secret of
God, but the ingredients which go to make up a higher form
of life is the revelation of God to Israel. That revelation puts
Israel on a higher level than other people and makes possible
the production of a prophet. If a man decides by his own
free will to imbibe the necessary ingredients and to become
a prophet, he then and there puts himself entirely under the
divine law; once having made the decision to be a prophet,
and now living under the divine law, he no longer exercises
his power to vary from good to bad, but is constantly good ;
being constant and unvarying, he can now definitely link
(mesh) himself with God, and that is the relationship which
makes revelation possible. So the problem is solved.

To this the author added that he who gratifies all his natu-
ral appetites puts himself under the law of nature, but if he
temporarily places himself under the divine law he is to that

BROADENING OF SCHOLARSHIP 209

extent a prophet. If only momentarily, the children of Israel
heard the voice of God at Mount Sinai and Moses received His
revelation : this is the basis and justification of Judaism.

Such an outlook is intensely national. In keeping with his
interpretation of Judaism, Judah ha-Levi is known as the Jew-
ish national poet. Prior to his unknown death in Palestine,
whither he ever longed to journey, he couched in enthralling
words the immortal hope for Israel's return to the Holy Land :
this "Zionide" never fails to stir hope when read, as it still is,
on the sad day commemorating the fall of the Temple.

Abraham ibn Ezra was another poet-philosopher of this
age, with a reputation for having composed a hundred and
eight books. Poor in money and rich in intellect, ibn Ezra
gave a rather pathetic turn to his poetry in the complaint
that if he made it his business to sell candles the sun would
forever shine, and if he were to try to sell shrouds no one
would die. His philosophy leaned toward neo-Platonism,
which ibn Gabirol had already introduced into Judaism. He
exhibited great acumen in his understanding of the Hebrew
grammar, which he held to be essential for a proper apprecia-
tion of the Bible. This interesting combination a mastery
of grammar, a mastery of poetic diction and a grasp of phi-
losophy was sure to give an interesting turn to his exegesis :
his continuous commentary on the Bible, while not as popular
as Rashi's, searches more deeply.

In the preceding century, Moses ibn Gikatilla had applied
historical criticism to the Bible, pointing out for the first
time that the Book of Isaiah holds the writings of two dif-
ferent authors, that the contents of Chapter 40 onwards refer
to the time of the Second Temple ; that many of the Psalms,
too, date from post-exilic time : these opinions Abraham ibn
Ezra accepted. Abraham suspected, further, that some por-
tions of the Pentateuch are of post-Mosaic origin. Also the
Book of Job, which the Talmud identified as Mosaic in origin,
he judged to be a translation from another language. The
angel between God and man, he said, is the intellect. Abra-
ham ibn Ezra was a profound and independent thinker. The
pity is that the fear of heresy frightened him from expressing

2io THUS RELIGION GROWS

himself freely. These startling discoveries he hinted at but
vaguely a compromise between truth and timidity.

A daring attempt to combine the extreme rationalism of
Aristotle with Judaism was made by Abraham ibn Daud in
the second half of the twelfth century. He lived in Toledo,
the capital of Christian Spain in the north, where Jewish cul-
ture carried on when Islamic zeal made life intolerable in the
south. While also a Talmudist and historian, his claim to
fame in the evolution of Judaism lies in the fact that he was
the first to introduce Aristotelianism into Judaism. The
Kalamist speculations and neo-Platonism were the two earlier
waves of philosophic influence. Upon the appearance of
Aristotelianism on the scene of medieval European thought,
Judah ha-Levi had set out to disparage it. However, ibn
Daud made it his duty to reconcile Aristotle with Judaism,
and thereby introduced Aristotle into Judaism.

In "The Sublime Faith," ibn Daud stated his unequivocal
preference for the Jewish religion, since that came immediately
through revelation whereas the knowledge of the philosophers
took thousands of years of discovery and called for a continual
correction of errors. His attempt to harmonize the two natu-
rally led him into a conflict with Aristotelian thought.
Aristotle, for example, taught that matter is eternal, but the
Bible tells of the creation at a specific time. (To modern
minds either is equally incomprehensible.) This and other
problems of reconciliation proved too much for ibn Daud's
talents he could do no more than skim lightly over the diffi-
cultiesand his problems had to await the treatment of a
greater mind.

25. THE GREATEST JEWISH TEACHER OF THE
MIDDLE AGES

MOSES MAIMONIDES (1135-1204) possessed the greater mind,
nay, the greatest mind in medieval Jewry, if not in the
medieval world. Even in his lifetime, it was said, "From
Moses to Moses (Maimonides) there has arisen none like unto
him." To him Jewish communities in their perplexities

MAIMONIDES 211

turned for the light of incisive thinking and compelling faith.
Little wonder that he is lovingly remembered as the "Light
of the Exile."

His "Guide of the Perplexed," which he wrote in Arabic
during the spare hours he could snatch from an extensive and
eminent practice of medicine, has been called the greatest
book in Jewish literature. Modestly he spoke of it as a
commentary on the Prophetic Books of the Bible, written at
the request of a favorite disciple to whom he dedicated it.
Actually his "Guide of the Perplexed" probes the most per-
plexing problems of religion. It clears up the doubts which
had troubled ibn Daud.

How to reconcile the Bible with Aristotle ? That is the
question. For Maimonides there is no contradiction. Where
the two seem irreconcilable, Aristotle is in error. In all but
the irreconcilable elements Maimonides adopted the doctrines
of Aristotle as he learned them through the Arab philosopher
Avicenna. The Aristotelian doctrine that matter is eternal
he could not accept. He refused to accept it, not because
the Bible speaks of Creation at a designated time in a pinch,
Maimonides admits, he could explain that portion of the Bible
in such a way as to make it agree with the eternity of matter
but because the eternity of matter is a fallacious doctrine for
which the proof is not conclusive, and there is equally good
proof for the Jewish creatio ex nihilo. Against Aristotle,
Maimonides argues that although the world as it is now may
point to eternity of matter, it may not have been the same
way at an earlier time when the world was less fully de-
veloped, it may not then have indicated the eternity of mat-
ter; the world probably took on these signs of eternity in
the course of the unfolding of the universe, signs which
earlier had no real existence. Moreover, our knowledge of
the Primal Cause (God) of the universe is inadequate as a
basis for arguments concerning the eternity of matter. Thus,
Maimonides, while conscious that he has not proven the crea-
tion of matter at a particular time, knows however that the
other view, the eternity view of Aristotle, cannot be proven
either.

212 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Convinced that the divine truth was revealed to the
prophets in the written Bible and the oral tradition, Mai-
monides held that the conflict between philosophy and Judaism
in the minds of Jewish thinkers arose from a misinterpretation
of anthropomorphic passages in the Bible which speak of
God as acting in the manner of a human being, also in
references to angels and analogous phenomena. The true
interpretation, according to Maimonides, is that these are ex-
pressions and figures of speech whose purpose it is to make
clear to the ordinary mind what would otherwise be unintel-
ligible. But the real and inner meaning, a philosophical
understanding which the prophets had transmitted but which,
alas ! was lost during persecutions, leaves no conflict between
the Bible and Aristotle. When these Biblical passages are
understood allegorically and metaphorically, it becomes crys-
tal clear that God is incorporeal : anyone believing otherwise
is no better than an idolator.

In the history of Judaism, all other attempts to remove
anthromophisms, since the very first translation of the Pen-
tateuch into Aramaic, did not go as far as Maimonides. He
did not see how one could attach any attributes to God.
The essence of God could be stated only in negative terms :
He is not non-existent, not non-eternal, not impotent, not
physical. We can know no more than: He is. Thus, in
speaking of a spiritual God we mean the absence of any
material quality or attribute. If one wishes to speak of God's
attributes, one can do no more than refer to His actions
distinct from His essence and this is precisely what the
divine names in the Bible do : they describe the divine be-
havior, not what the divine is. God acts as Active Intellect.
But Active Intellect is not material; it is a process, in the sense
to adopt a modern illustration that energy is not a material
but is a process which makes use of matter.

Everything is process, says Maimonides ; we ourselves are
only processes. God is The Process. The only reality is
thinking. God is the only absolute reality ; God is the high-
est degree of thought, namely, the Active Intellect. Creation
is not a new addition of something that had no existence;

MAIMONIDES 213

rather is creation the decision of God, arrived at through His
own free will, to manifest Himself, in lower degrees of reality.
That means that everything that exists is congealed intellect.
The reality of a table, for example, is in the countless laws
bound up in it, and these laws are the subject of thinking.

In this world, man is the highest creation because he has
developed the mental processes. Man gains the immortality
of the intellect (this is contrary to the traditional doctrine of
the resurrection of the body, which Maimonides adopts else-
where) . The perfection of the moral, intellectual and physi-
cal faculties produces the prophet (except Moses whose
prophecy is supernatural), a natural product of natural law;
nevertheless, even if one has perfected these faculties, God
may withhold prophecy from him. Over each human being
God has a special regard. He is aware of all the events of
the future, yet has He given free-will to man. There is no
contradiction : God can know the future and man can still do
as he chooses, because God's knowledge is unlike man's
knowledge ; in fact, human intelligence cannot comprehend
the nature of divine intelligence. That the human mind could
not grasp all of spiritual reality did not thwart Maimonides :
rather than reject the inscrutable, he allowed faith to bridge
the gap between the known and the unknown. The fact that
God knows things while they are in a state of possibility
when their existence belongs to the future does not change
the nature of the "possible" in any way; that remains un-
changed; and the knowledge of the realization of one of
several possibilities does not affect that realization.

With regard to the evils of the world, the "Guide" main-
tains that, not including those which are bound up with the
perpetuation of the species in nature, evils are created by
man. As divine guidance for the life of integrity, religion
has given us the ritual as well as the moral precepts. Crude
ritual, such as animal sacrifices, is but a concession to a lowly
idolatrous craving, but most ritual leads to moral improve-
ment.

The real aim in life is happiness, to be won through the use
of the intellect. The highest knowledge is the knowledge of

2i 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

God, and that is attained by a rational conquest of sensuality.
Reason achieves virtue through following a middle course :
moral courage, for example, is the golden mean between
temerity and cowardice ; likewise there is a golden mean be-
tween justice and mercy, between the practical and the ideal.

The intellectual quest for God brought Maimonides again
and again to the inherited faith. Since the Oral and Written
Law contained the highest truth, Maimonides felt it his duty
to give it system, order, clarity, brevity. When only twenty-
three years old he began writing an Arabic commentary on
the Mishnah, which he called the "Luminary." A mind as
creative as his could not confine itself to a mere commentary,
simply running along with the text and elucidating its mean-
ing. In the "Luminary," therefore, a lengthy introduction
reviews the origin, plan and arrangement of the Mishnah;
reviews the laws of Judaism ; and introductions precede the
various Tractates. Maimonides had his eye on the practical
use of his commentary as a guide for the Jewish life, and he
therefore focused attention upon the decision rather than the
argument. At times he boldly differed with the version ex-
pressed in the Talmud. His vast scientific knowledge gave
especial value to his comments on such matters. Wherever
possible, he rapped at errors and superstitions.

Apropos of the Mishnah passage which enumerates those
unbelievers who are excluded from a share in the world to
come, Maimonides stresses Judaism against the other religions
and the heresies of his day by insisting on thirteen items which
a Jew, to avoid excommunication, should affirm : God's exist-
ence and indivisible unity, incorporeality, immutability, eter-
nity, pre-mundane existence and exclusive claim to worship ;
the prophets were inspired, Moses especially and incomparably
so, ana the Torah is divine and unchangeable ; providence
punishes the wicked and rewards the righteous ; in the future,
the Messiah will come and a resurrection of the dead will take
place. These thirteen specifications on matters of belief and
practice were in time given a prominent place in the prayer-
book as the best precis of the Jewish faith, and to this day
they constitute a convenient standard of orthodoxy. The

MAIMONIDES 215

century following Maimonides saw these articles of faith em-
ployed as themes for synagogue poems, so popular did they
become in all countries of Jewish habitation. Altogether,
some eighty-eight poetic versions of the thirteen articles are
to be counted, and the most popular is the well-known Yigdal,
that liturgic verse which has been the inspiration for a great
variety of musical creations.

Maimonides proceeded to classify according to fourteen
principles the traditional six hundred and thirteen command-
ments of the' Torah. This was necessary because of the
confusion as to what was and what was not a commandment.
Some statements seemed like commandments but they might
be only introductory or explanatory to a commandment.
This classification he worked upon in his Arabic "Book of
Precepts."

The realization came to Maimonides that his commentary
on the Mishnah could not altogether satisfy its purpose. The
Mishnah itself called for rearrangement, that all the material
be lined up strictly and systematically according to subject.
This vast enterprise Maimonides delegated unto himself. Into
the fourteen divisions of Torah commandments which he had
worked out he sorted and classified the entire accumulation
of traditional Law, a task which took all of ten years. The
Hebrew abbreviation for fourteen ("Yad") the fourteen
classifications can be read to mean "a hand" ; therefore this
codification of rabbinic Law is referred to as "The Strong
Hand." Maimonides gave it the title, "The Second Law"
(Mishneh Torah), for did it not contain all of the Oral Law,
the regulations and explanations, the ethical ideas and estab-
lished customs of the Mishnah, plus those of the later rabbis
and the Geonim who added to the interpretation of the Writ-
ten Torah of Moses ?

That this tremendous achievement might enjoy practical
use as a "Code" of Jewish practice, Maimonides strove for
clarity and brevity : in the understandable Hebrew of the
Mishnah rather than the complicated Aramaic of the Talmud
did he write it ; in the preface he listed his bibliography and
all the authorities in the long train of tradition ; in the text

216 THUS RELIGION GROWS

itself he therefore eliminated continual reference to particular
sages and specific documents. His sources were extensive,
more extensive than those of any predecessor ; they included
the Torah itself, the Jerusalem as well as the Babylonian Tal-
mud, the Midrash Halakah, his own and not his own teachers,
non-Jewish scholars, and ultimately his own independent
judgment. Maimonides thus brought the Mishnah up to
date, made it more methodical, more readable, more usable.

So daring an undertaking, the first complete classification
of Rabbinic Judaism, was bound to arouse antagonism. Some
of it, frankly, was prompted by sheer envy, as in the case
of the Gaon of Bagdad. Others honestly feared that the
"Code" would displace the Talmud. Particularly vehement
and also sincere was the criticism of Abraham ben David of
Posquieres in Provence. The departure from well-worn
grooves was censured, the undaunted originality, the use of
Hebrew, the deviation from the Talmudic sequence, the im-
portance given to the Jerusalem Talmud over the Babylonian,
the omissions and the additions, and particularly the omission
of reference to sources. To all this Maimonides replied satis-
factorily and honestly.

After the flurry of criticism of the "Code" had died down,
this real masterpiece took its proper place in Judaism as the
authority in the interpretation of Jewish life, an authority not
to be controverted, and its author, the greatest philosopher
of that age, was reverently acknowledged the greatest Tal-
mudist as well. Generations of Jews have idealized Moses
Maimonides as the exemplary product of medieval Judaism,
for he attained in his life a harmony of faith and reason, of
pragmatism and idealism, of skilled practice and scholarly
pursuits.

26. PROTEST AGAINST RATIONALISM IN RELIGION :
LEGALISM

CRITICISM of Maimonides' philosophy did not end so soon.
It continued even after the "Code" had gained acceptance.
For more than two centuries it stimulated heated controversies

LEGALISM 217

between rationalists and anti-rationalists, liberals and orthodox.
The protest to philosophy in religion led in two directions :
one, a deeper absorption in legalism ; the second, a flight into
mysticism.

The conflict took a dramatic turn in Provence, the south-
eastern area of France. Provence bridges Spain and northern
France. In its territory, therefore, the philosophic liberalism
of Spanish Jewry and the conservatism of northern France
met. The renowned ibn Tibbon family served as inter-
mediaries by translating into Hebrew the Arabic works of the
Spanish Jews and also the literature of Aristotle and Averroes.

The intellectuals hailed the "Guide of the Perplexed" as the
superlative in accomplishment. Eagerly they drank in every
word. Keenly they weighed every argument. Some liberals
saw in the "Guide" an excuse for religious laxity, which was
of course contrary to Maimonides' practice or intention.
This danger in particular provoked the antagonism of the
orthodox. The brunt of their opposition therefore shifted
from the "Code" to the "Guide." The statement that it
would be possible if necessary to reconcile the theory of the
eternity of the universe with the creation account of the
Bible scandalized many. The teaching that angels are to be
understood allegorically, as also the rationalizing of prophecy,
raised the cry of heresy. The "Guide of the Perplexed"
seems indeed to have perplexed those not philosophically
trained. One complainant, Solomon ben Abraham, believed
in the literal truth of every word in the Bible and of the tales
in the Midrash Haggadah. Together with two disciples, he
pronounced a ban on all who immersed themselves in phi-
losophy. In the north of France this benighted attitude
found support. The more enlightened communities returned
ban for ban. It was only a matter of time before the quarrel
flared into physical violence and spread into northern Spain.
Infuriated, the afore-mentioned Solomon ben Abraham made
the stupid and unforgivable blunder of informing the Domini-
can inquisitors of the conflict, as a result of which they
publicly burned copies of Maimonides' writings. This fool-
hardy desecration of the Biblical and Mishnaic principles of

218 THUS RELIGION GROWS

freedom in the intellectual search for God did at least silence
the opposition for a while.

Efforts at conciliation were exerted by the most prominent
teacher in the middle of the thirteenth century, Moses ben
Nahman of Gerona (Nahmanides). By profession a physi-
cian, he was au courant with science and could admire Mai-
monides ; yet he held philosophy to be of little consequence
in religion. For him Judaism was more a matter of mystery,
not to be easily explained. It was to be taken as it was. It
was something to be lived through the saddest and gladdest
moments of life. Life, God, the World, all these are mar-
velous, miraculous. And all that could be known thereof is
to be found in the Bible and Talmud. In line with such
reasoning, Moses ben Nahman made it his objective to intro-
duce into Spain the hair-splitting study of the Talmud as it
was carried on in France and Germany. The "Code" of
Maimonides he defended. The "Guide" he opposed but
moderately, advocating the removal of the absolute ban on the
"Guide," in place of which he would restrict its study to
private discourse amid select and mature students whose
minds were not too impressionable or too easily misled by a
glib syllogism.

In connection with Moses ben Nahman, it is worth record-
ing an example of a miserable form of religious sport which
provided divertisewent for the jaded tastes of the Middle
Ages. In 1263, a Jew baptized into the Dominican Order,
Pablo Christiani by name, whose business it was to convert
Jews to Christianity, found business unpromising. To stimu-
late interest he persuaded the king of Aragon to summon the
leading rabbi to compete with him in a public debate, to be
graced by the attendance of the king and his court and the
church dignitaries. Moses ben Nahman had no choice.
Under protest, he took the field as spokesman for Judaism.
The torture of religious combat lasted four days. The rene-
gade Pablo contended that the Messiah had come and that the
homiletic Midrashim of Judaism even supported that conten-
tion. Nahmanides, champion of Judaism, retorted that Jews
could not believe that the Messiah had come ; moreover, that

LEGALISM 219

only the Bible and Talmud were binding upon Jews, but
that the homilectic literature to which Pablo had referred
was non-binding, frequently fallible, at best the expression
of private opinion, and at worst a playful stretch of the
imagination. Nahmanides exposed and confounded Pablo
Christiani. Even so, Jewry dreaded a bitter sequel to the
disputation.

Defeat would have given an opening wedge to missionizing
zeal. But victory was worse ! Victory infuriated the losers
and drove them to rabid retaliation. Pablo together with the
Dominican inquisitors now schemed to address the Jews in
the synagogue on the Sabbath with the proposition that the
Jewish leader had submitted to defeat and that therefore the
Jews forsake their religion for Christianity. Resolutely and
vigorously Nahmanides denied such defeat. Despite his con-
sistent boldness, Moses Nahmanides had impressed the king of
Aragon with his grace of speech and manner as well as with
his intellect and received from him a gift of three hundred
ducats. Notwithstanding that, Pablo was given permission
to enter Jewish homes to ply his trade, and he was allowed
to censor Jewish books. When Pablo spread false reports
of the result of the disputation, Nahmanides refuted them
and published a correct statement. Because the man Nah-
manides would not back down the Dominicans accused him of
blasphemy and demanded punishment. The king, however,
protested in behalf of the Jew, that he had given him royal
protection to express himself freely. Pablo and his con-
freres would not take "no" for an answer, so that the Jewish
books were burned and Moses ben Nahman was banished
for two years. What desecration of the fair name of religion
to pit the respective representatives of two great faiths, one
against the other, in bitter controversy, when both in their
own way seek the path to God !

At the end of the thirteenth century the conflict over
Maimonides revived. Inter-religious polemics and increasing
political worries combined to drive Judaism under cover.
The rabbinic leader of that period, Solomon ibn Adret of
Barcelona, a pupil of Nahmanides, stood solidly with the

220 THUS RELIGION GROWS

orthodox faction. Talmud was authoritative. In rough
going, one could always cling to the Talmud for safe and
sound Judaism. In 1305 he proclaimed a ban, supported by
thirty of his associates, limiting the study of philosophy and

J ' & J L 1 J

science, other than medicine, to men over the safe age of
thirty philosophy begins at thirty.

27. PROTEST AGAINST RATIONALISM IN RELIGION I MYSTICISM

THE thirteenth century protest against the rationalism of
Maimonides and his ancestors took on a rather interesting
form of expression. Although many, as we have seen, found
shelter in legalism, it was too arid and uninspiring for those
who looked to religion for emotional satisfaction. Their
minds turned to mystical speculation. Reacting against the
sovereignty of logic and intellect, they vieVed the world as a
bundle of mystery rather than a clear-cut, orderly system
to be sensed rather than understood. Mysticism therefore
made rapid strides during the thirteenth century.

Jewish mysticism did not begin at this time. Its sources
are remote. In fact, the Hebrew term for mysticism is
Cabala, which means tradition, for it claims the background
of a long tradition. The Cabala (or the "received lore" of
mysticism) is traced far back to a few privileged personages
to whom the secret knowledge of God and the universe was
divulged. According to the Cabalists, Moses on Mount Sinai
and the prophets after him "received" the Cabala.

There is considerable truth to the claim of Cabalistic an-
tiquity. As early as the second century B.C.E., Ben Sira
cautioned against preoccupation with "secret things." The
apocalyptic writings of the two centuries before the Common
Era taught a good measure of Cabala. The Essenes in their
day sequestered that hidden knowledge. Moreover, Greek
philosophy of a mystical bent intrigued groups of Jews, par-
ticularly in Alexandria, convincing them that these secret
doctrines were stowed away in the Bible and could be dis-
covered only by the few who knew how to pry beneath the
outer expression and find the inner meaning. Further in

MYSTICISM 221

the early story of Cabala, we find that some of the rabbis of
the Mishnah were familiar with the old Pythagorean idea
that by combining letters and numbers according to intricate
formulas one is empowered to effect marvels. In the later
Talmud are to be found many elements of mysticism, not
harmonized or systematized but rather scattered and hetero-
geneous. As greater attention came to mysticism, the lore
grew more expansive and complex. Two types of mysticism
could now be differentiated : the speculative or theosophic,
and the practical or theurgic.

In the period of the Geonim there already existed books
recording the oral tradition of practical mysticism. They
described the wonder-working ability to control nature
through a knowledge of the names and functions of the angels.
They indicated how the use of these names could confer
immunity against sickness and against enemies.

Speculative mysticism found its chief expression in the
"Book of Creation" (Sefer Yezirah), an ancient record with
which the name of Abraham is coupled but which is of
uncertain origin and date, going back possibly to the time of
the Talmud. In the ninth century it gained much attention
and even Saadia made it the subject of a commentary. The
"Book of Creation," regarded as the oldest treatment of phi-
losophy in the Hebraic tongue, sets out to show God's relation
with the world. It reveals that all things exist as a result
of ten Sefirot emanations or gradations which graduate
from God to the universe, and serve as the intermediaries.
All things have as their substance the three primal elements,
spirit-like air, water, fire. All things have as their form the
twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet, and the language
which these letters create enables us to gain knowledge of
things as they are.

From Babylonia, through Italy, the complete lore of the
Cabala reached Germany as the private possession of the
Kalonymus family, a carefully guarded secret. One of
the family, Judah the Pious, at the end of the twelfth century
wrote the "Book of the Pious" (Sefer Hasidim), a work of
extensive influence, stressing the inwardness of religion ; ad-

222 THUS RELIGION GROWS

vocating prayer in a language which is understood if Hebrew
be unintelligible, for consummation in prayer is utter devotion
(Kawwanah) ; and demanding scrupulous honesty and piety
in the most trivial matters, lest God be dishonored. Rebelling
against an unemotional ritualism and a dry poring over the
Talmud, Judah sought to make religion more thrilling, more
ecstatic. He instructed his disciple, Eleazar, to initiate greater
numbers into the hidden knowledge of the Cabala.

In Spain, the neo-Platonic thought which ibn Gabirol had
popularized reinforced the speculative side of mysticism, in-
asmuch as neo-Platonism is a philosophy which opens the
door to mysticism. Then came the reaction against the
Aristotelianism of Maimonides, giving tremendous impetus
to the Cabala, which in a sense is the very contrast of
Maimonides' thought. Azriel (1160-1238), a philosophically
trained Spanish Jew, set out to win over the philosophically
minded to the Cabala through dialectic proof whereby he
hoped to convince them of the truth of the Cabala which
believers of course accepted without proof or argument.
Moses ben Nahman had been a disciple of his and from him
had acquired a reasonable inclination toward mysticism ; Solo-
mon ibn Adret had also studied under Azriel and likewise had
developed propensities to the Cabala.

Opposition to the speculative trend appeared in the puz-
zling personality of Abraham Abulafia (1240-1292). He
preferred the German-Jewish system, the practical manipula-
tions which bring one into intimate contact with the active
intelligence of the universe and endow one with the mighty
powers of the prophet. Abulafia, having wandered to the
East when only twenty years old, in search of the mythical
river Sambation, returned to Verona, Italy, and to Barcelona,
Spain, where he studied the Cabala. At the age of fifty, the
great revelation came to him. With fanciful ingenuity he
saw in the letters of the Bible and in the letters of the divine
name the mystical energy of creation. The necessary knack
consisted in combining the letters skilfully and in working
upon the numerical values of the Hebrew letters of the
alphabet. He proclaimed himself a prophet, taking the name

MYSTICISM 223

of the angel Raziel ("My secret is God") which has the
same numerical value as his name, Abraham. Then he re-
vealed himself as the Messiah, announcing that redemption
was to come in six years, in 1290, and feverishly he made his
way to Rome to convert the pope to Judaism. But the pope
died before Abulafia could achieve his purpose. Even so,
he was thrown into prison, but here his abracadabra stood
him in good stead and by mystifying his captors he gained
his release. How now should the Jewish community receive
him ? Solomon ibn Adret was consulted and he condemned
Abulafia as dangerous, to be shunned. The latter finally
came to an unknown end, leaving twenty-six books of a
"different" nature and some "extraordinary" disciples. Thus
ended a one-sided exaggeration of mysticism.

Apart from this bizarre incident, the two sides of mysticism
the speculative and the wonder-working were drawing
closer together and toward the end of the thirteenth century
they merged. The heterogeneous elements which had been
carried along verbally mystic sayings in the Talmud, specu-
lations of the Gaonic times, neo-Platonic thought were now
assembled. The decision to put them into writing may have
been prompted by the desire to gain a wider following in
opposition to extreme rationalism. The large conglomera-
tion of mystical and poetic material, written in Aramaic, took
on the shape of a Midrashic commentary on the Pentateuch,
revealing the hidden mysteries contained in the Bible. This
arrangement was published in the early part of the fourteenth
century as the "Midrash of Simeon ben Yohai."

It was called by the name of that rabbi of the second cen-
tury C.E. because he is supposed to have arrived at this great
mystical knowledge during the thirteen years of enforced
hiding in a cave and to have conveyed it to his disciples in
two meetings prior to his death. As in so much of the apoca-
lyptic literature, the authorship of material which had been
accumulated during a stretch of centuries was attributed to
one outstanding personality of the remote past, to give it
antiquity, sanctity and authenticity. Actually, the Cabalistic
compilation was the work of Moses de Leon, at one time of

224 THUS RELIGION GROWS

ibn Adrct's school. The volume has become renowned the
world over as the "Zohar." The word Zohar means "splen-
dor" and is derived from the verse in the Book of Daniel
(12:3): "The wise shall be resplendent as the splendor of the
firmament."

The Zohar seeks to bring man close to God who would
otherwise remain afar off. It makes the approach to the
divine practical by uniting it with the specific events of life.
It filters into all the domains of life, which metaphysics ordi-
narily does not do. To begin with, God is shown as infinite,
without any attributes. Only in terms of what He is not,
can God be described. He can be spoken of simply as En-
Sof , the Infinite ; beyond the Infinite, nothing exists. If so,
how can the creation of the world be understood ? Did the
Infinite suddenly decide upon that ? Is it consistent for the
Infinite to change and suddenly become creative? How
could a spiritual God, moreover, create a material world?
How can God's providence express itself in ruling the world ?
How can evil come into a world created by a perfect
God ? How explain the construction of body and soul, and
what happens after life ? These are the foremost questions
of the Zohar. The abstruse reply leads into the realm of
metaphysics, into a discussion of the Thought of God, the
Concentration of God (Zimzum), the Emanations from God
(Sefirot) . All this complicated metaphysics, however, is but
the scaffolding on which man may climb to the heights, close
to God. Through his love for God, through prayer, through
devotion, through the avoidance of evil, man unites himself
to God.

The Zohar contains many crude, anthropomorphic allusions
to God ; whether these are meant literally or figuratively is a
matter of debate. It also contains many beautiful passages
and fine prayers, some of which were later incorporated in
the prayerbook. There are fanciful imageries on the essence
of the soul : before entering the body the soul-substance floats
about in the atmosphere clothed in a raiment of divine light,
of which it is stripped when it enters the soul ; this radiant
raiment it receives once again at death if the soul has been

TALMUD A REFUGE 225

pure and righteous, otherwise it floats about naked until
purified in purgatory, after which it can return to the spheres
of bliss.

The Zohar set itself up as a rival to the Mishnah and Tal-
mud, but although it enjoyed enormous sway over succeeding
generations, it has been accepted as 'authoritative only where
it is not contradictory to the Talmud. It has taken its place
in Judaism as a life-giving supplement to the Talmud. It has
enriched the religious experience, in thought and act. It has
produced saints. It has thrilled with the thought of com-
muning with God and participating with Him in the improve-
ment of the world. The Zohar has helped preserve Judaism
of the Middle Ages from stagnation : so long as it could fas-
cinate the mind and imagination it would endear Judaism to
the Jew.

During centuries of Jewish misery, the prolonged misery
from the fourteenth to the eighteenth century, it has helped
make life tolerable. To some it was an anodyne, allaying
the pain of persecution; to others it was a stimulant, filling
all life with an exuberant joy.

The religion of the Jew now took on three aspects. The
Talmudists held closely to the Talmud solely, with its con-
servative interpretation. The rationalists continued in the
way of Maimonides. The Cabalists, satisfied with neither
unrelieved legalism nor rationalist philosophy, steeped them-
selves in mysticism. The three, however, stood on the same
foundation : Rabbinic Judaism. The Cabalists and rationalists
did not depart from it : they simply intensified it.

28. THE TALMUD A REFUGE IN TIME OF TROUBLE

THE pure Talmudists continued to rally their energies to a
practical interpretation and application of the Talmud. Asher
ben Jehiel (1250-1328) came to Toledo from Germany with
a simple piety and a gratitude that he had been spared the
diverting influence of philosophy. His contribution to the
development of Judaism is in the improvements he made on
al-Fasi's digest of the Talmud. He included all the later

226 THUS RELIGION GROWS

material the decisions of Rashi and of the Franco-German
school of Tosafist scholars while also including Maimonides'
views which he respected. In certain cases he decided against
Maimonides' view, which decision the Ashkenazic Jews ac-
cepted, but the Sephardic Jews continued to follow the
decision of Maimonides.

The sons of Asher ben Jehiel carried on with this inex-
haustible summation of Jewish Law. One of them, Rabbenu
Jacob ben Asher, boiled down the digest of his father to
facilitate its use. Apparently not satisfied, he rearranged all
the religious laws into four categories : "The Way of Life"
(Orah Hayyim), containing laws on holidays, prayers, cere-
monies, daily duties; "Guide of Knowledge" (Yoreh Deah),
instructing in the dietary laws, charity, mourning, and all
matters forbidden and prohibited ; "Stone of Help" (Eben
ha-Ezer), regarding marriage and divorce; "The Breastplate
of Judgment" (Hoshen ha-Mishpat), touching on civil law
and procedure. This code served the needs of that age and
it gained wide acceptance as the standard of orthodoxy.

A beautiful practice growing out of the Judaism of the
Middle Ages was that of leaving an Ethical Will as a heritage
for one's children. If a good name and a virtuous life are
the greatest of riches, then the finest gift a father can be-
queath to his child is the time-tested instruction on how to
win a good name and a virtuous life. Rabbenu Jacob and
also his brother left Ethical Wills for their children. That
became quite the fashion. There is, indeed, a voluminous
literature of Ethical Wills, in which parent conveys to child
the sum total of a lifetime of experience. As one reads into
it one finds charming evidence of how intimately Judaism
touched all of life, of how highly its doctrines were valued,
and of how devoted was the relationship in Judaism between
parent and child.

In the fourteenth century the philosophical movement in
Judaism, as a movement, was approaching its end. The
Cabala was rapidly displacing it. Moreover, Christians in
Spain were gradually reconquering the Moorish territory, and
in doing so were driving out the Mohammedan philosophers

TALMUD A REFUGE 227

as well; in this new environment there were not the same
opportunities of participating in intellectual pursuits.

One of the last of the original philosophers was Levi ben
Gershon (1288-1344) f Provence, known as Gersonides.
Like so many of the Jewish scientists he was a physician, in
addition to which he gained fame in the world-at-large as
mathematician and astronomer, having invented a device for
astronomical observation. His philosophy was bold. It was
outspoken. It could not be otherwise : he confesses he would
not have spoken as he did had his search for truth not led him
to these daring conclusions. To be sure, he accepted the
Torah as certified truth ; nevertheless, accusations of radical-
ism were levelled against him. His book, "Wars of the
Lord," his enemies designated as "Wars Against the Lord."
In it he carries Aristotelianism to the extreme, yet thinking
he reconciles it with Judaism. The book is in six parts : the
immortality of the soul ; the essence of prophecy ; predestina-
tion and free-will; providence, man being subject to the
general laws of nature, and only the intellectualized indi-
vidual sharing individual providence ; mathematical and astro-
nomical explanation of the universe ; the question of eternity
of matter, in which he admits the existence of formless matter
before creation. Gersonides thus agreed with Aristotle more
completely than did Maimonides, for where there were irrec-
oncilables Maimonides had sided with Judaism.

The stage had now been reached when it was necessary,
from the standpoint of Talmudic Judaism, to rid Judaism of
Aristotelianism, once for all. Judaism had to be proven
superior to any system of philosophy. Hasdai Crescas ( 1 340-
1410) was the man to do this. Though not a rabbi officially,
he possessed independent means which gave him leisure to
perfect his knowledge of the Talmud and to serve as com-
munal leader. The task which he undertook was similar to
that of Judah ha-Levi, only more difficult. He had Mai-
monides and Gersonides, especially Maimonides, to cope with.

On a philosophic field of combat Crescas strove to disen-
gage Judaism from the alien attachment to Aristotelianism.
If he could refute the underlying Aristotelian principles

228 THUS RELIGION GROWS

which had been adopted as basic by some of the Jewish phi-
losophers he would be able to lay low his opponent. That,
in short, is what he attempted in the volume, "Light of the
Lord" (Or Adonai). Even where he cannot win the argu-
ment he is undaunted, for, after all, there are arguments in
both directions. Logic or argument can hardly be conclusive
if there are two sides to the argument. The Bible is con-
clusive. It is revealed by God. Why then impose incon-
clusive alien philosophies on Judaism?

Discarding philosophy, Crescas prepares a list of Jewish
dogmas, as they are to be learned from Judaism itself. He
disagrees with Maimonides' list of thirteen articles. Crescas
has fourteen, which he divides into those which are essential
to the existence of Judaism and those without which Judaism
could exist but which should be believed in, nevertheless.

These are the indispensable dogmas ("fundamental prin-
ciples") : (i) God knows individually all things and people
that exist; (2) His providence is over each individual; (3)
He is omnipotent ; (4) He revealed Himself uniquely to the
prophets; (5) He has given man freedom of the will; (6)
He has given man the Torah that man might love and fear
Him. These grow out of the "great root," which is the
axiomatic belief that there is God.

The secondary dogmas ("true beliefs") are: (i) the cre-
ation of the universe at a particular time ; (2) immortality for
those who observe the commandments; (3) punishment of
the wicked and reward of the righteous, as earned not by
intellectual attainment but by obedience to God's will evil
may not be as unmerited as it seems, it may do a person good,
or it may be inherited, or it may be bound up with the group,
and retribution is carried on after life ; (4) the dead will be
resurrected ; (5) the Torah is eternal ; (6) Moses is supreme ;
(7) the priest can divine the future through the Urim and
Thummim; (8) the Messiah will come.

In addition, he presents as "practical dogmas" : the efficacy
of prayer, the benediction of the (Aaron) priests, repentance,
Day of Atonement, New Year's Day, Passover, Tabernacles,
Pentecost. To dogmatize the efficacy of the holy seasons has

TALMUD A REFUGE 229

been characterized by theologians as the influence of Islam.
Other "practical dogmas" have been regarded as the influence
of Christianity. Whatever the strength of Crescas' argument,
the fact is that he expressed the dominant attitude of the day,
a withdrawal from philosophic to dogmatic religion even
though his book was not popularly read.

The position of Crescas was popularized by Joseph Albo
(1380-1444) who is counted the last of the medieval philos-
ophers, albeit not an original one. As though he could fore-
tell that he was the last, he summarized the whole surge of
philosophy which preceded him. Seasoned with sufficient
quotations from the Bible and the Talmud he rendered the
book, "Dogmas" (Ikkarim, which means literally "roots"),
palatable for the orthodox reader. Moreover, he discrimi-
nated which fundamentals are "open to discussion" and which
are not. He likened religion to a tree, with roots, branches
and stems; the distinctive qualities of a religion are in the
stems and branches. There are three "roots" : ( i ) God's ex-
istencewith the stems: unity, incorporeality, timelessness,
perfection; (2) God's revelations with the stems : prophecy,
prophetic perfection ; (3) God's retribution with the stems :
omniscience, providence. These, together, constitute eleven
dogmas which are fundamental in Judaism. In addition, he
enumerated six "branches," as beliefs which a Jew should
accept; however, disbelief of "branches" is not heresy, but
merely sinfulness. These non-dogmatic beliefs are : creation
at a definite time ex mhilo ; Moses the greatest prophet ; his
Torah is eternal ; proper attainment of even one command-
ment may lead to man's perfection ; resurrection ; the Messiah.
To his credit be it noted that Albo succeeded in getting away
from the technical philosophical idiom which his experience
as a preacher had taught him made such writings illegible
for the masses. Incidentally, it is interesting to observe that,
writing at a time when Christians were pressing upon Jews
acceptance of their Messiah, Albo held that the Messianic
doctrine is not a fundamental one in Judaism.

The fifteenth century brought a tragic turn to the Jews
of Europe : they were turned out of home and homeland. In

230 THUS RELIGION GROWS

1394 France turned them out. In Germany and all through
Central Europe the Crusades and the Black Death made life
unbearable. The fanaticism of the Spanish Inquisition turned
Jews into disguised Christians, the Maranos. The Talmud
was publicly dishonored and burned. The Inquisition
branded itself into the Jewish heart, inflicting unbelievable
tortures on the Maranos. That wretched spectacle of man's
inhumanity to fellow man ! Religion ; akin to life's most
cherished gifts love and parenthood religion possesses
within itself, when perverted, the makings of the worst kind
of ugliness. As "an act of mercy" an edict of 1492 did not
put to death unyielding Jews nor forcibly convert them, but
merely turned them out of Spain. And the same soon hap-
pened in Portugal. Where did the pitiable exiles turn to?
To the Ottoman Empire, where Constantinople in the six-
teenth century was transformed into the largest Jewish com-
munity. To Holland, and thence to England. To Italy.
To the newly discovered America.

29. RENAISSANCE CRITICS OF OFFICIAL JUDAISM

FOR the world-at-large a new day was dawning. The new
Humanism had arrived. Medievalism came to an end. The
modern world was in the making. Learning revived. The
secular sciences lifted their heads.

Protestantism was asserting itself. Luther hoped to gain
the support of the Jews and on occasion came to their de-
fense. In his German translation of the Bible, it is interesting
to recall, he was influenced by Rashi's Commentary which
had been translated by the priest Nicholas de Lyra : it was
therefore said, "If Lyra had not played, Luther would not
have danced." And then, because Jews insisted upon remain-
ing Jews, Luther retaliated with the same brand of oppression
which before he had denounced.

The new Humanism which began in Italy and which
changed the structure and outlook of Europe was slow in
reaching the religion of the Jew. Spain was the logical meet-
ing-ground for Judaism to have come into contact with the

RENAISSANCE CRITICS 231

spirit of the Renaissance, Spain the home of Jewish poetry
and philosophy and philology, Spain the locale of Jewish
liberalism. Doubly tragic, therefore, was the exile of 1492.
Jews forfeited their homes, but equally deplorable, Judaism
lost the opportunity for participation in the Renaissance. The
effects of the Renaissance on Judaism were thus delayed three
centuries, and when they did come, long overdue, they came
with a sudden rush, well-nigh overwhelming the Judaism
of old.

As it was, the Middle Ages for Europe ended in the fif-
teenth or sixteenth centuries ; for Judaism, the Middle Ages
lasted into the nineteenth century.

During the very years when the European intellectual and
religious revolution was going on, Jews were segregated in
the ghetto. Civic disabilities heaped upon them kept them
from participating. Only in those countries where they were
allowed some measure of human rights was this new influence
felt to any degree. At best it could be felt only weakly and
tardily. Until the full emancipation of the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, whatever criticisms there were within
the Jewish group against official Judaism could be but indi-
vidual expressions. According to the temperament and philo-
sophic outlook of the critic did the criticism vary.

In Italy, the home of Humanism, one finds the first evi-
dences of dissatisfaction with the religion. A mild beginning
is to be seen in the opinions of Elijah del Medigo (1460-1497),
lecturer in philosophy at the University of Padua. In "The
Examination of Religion" he justified the Talmudic present-
ment of Judaism, since religion is essentially a matter of proper
performance, but he did not agree that everything in the
Talmud is the infallible interpretation of the Bible : certainly
some of the Haggadic passages are illogical, and even when
they are logical they are not binding. But in stating that
after all Judaism is founded on revelation and therefore need
not fear philosophy, Elijah retreated to a mild position. Even
so, a more orthodox leader imposed on him the dreaded ban.

Azariah dei Rossi (1514-1578) was more daring. His
study, "The Light of the Eyes," applied historical criticism

232 THUS RELIGION GROWS

to Jewish literature and for purposes of comparison consulted
sources other than Jewish. Here we have the beginnings of
the modern method.

In Uriel da Costa (1585-1640) we find the first really
piercing criticism. Coming from a Marano family, he was
reared in Portugal as a Jesuit. Then when his family settled
in Amsterdam he openly professed his Judaism. But he was
dissatisfied with all the ritualism of Rabbinic Judaism as he
saw it practiced in Holland and freely expressed his contempt
by applying to his coreligionists the epithet, Pharisees, and
by violating the dietary and other ritual laws. Then he
specified in a book his doubts of immortality and of retribu-
tion in a future world, contrasting the Bible with the rabbis
on these doctrines. A denial of immortality was as offensive
to Christianity as to Judaism ; to preclude the wrath of the
Christian neighbors the Jewish leaders therefore saw to it that
the government fined Uriel and that the book was burned.
He was excommunicated. That proved too much for da
Costa ; even though he fled to Hamburg, he could not escape
the mental torture. Returning to Holland, he apologized.
Back in the fold, and still he would not conform. He now
became a deist, a believer in religion without ceremonies or
dogmas. Once more he was excommunicated. Sullenly he
suffered for seven years and again he offered to submit.
While consenting to readmit him, the rabbinic leaders also
wanted to make an example of him : publicly they forced him
to renounce his heresy, publicly to be whipped and humili-
ated. This was more than he could bear; disgraced, Uriel
later took his life. In his room was found a pathetic auto-
biography, "Exemplar Humanae Vitae." Two tragedies were
bound up in the one life. First, da Costa because a Marano
lacked a proper training in Judaism and hence a proper
understanding of the historical development in Judaism ; his
criticism was altogether too destructive. Secondly, he lived
two centuries too soon.

The pathetic career of Uriel da Costa connects indirectly
with an enigmatic character in Italy, named Judah Leon
Modena (1571-1648). Judah Leon belonged to an honored

RENAISSANCE CRITICS 233

and learned family. He is said to have been quite a prodigy,
at the age of three capable of explaining the weekly reading
from the Bible, at the age of eight accomplished in music,
dancing, and Latin, and a preacher at ten years of age versa-
tile, to say the least. Twenty-six different occupations did he
pursue in his lifetime. Card-playing was his weakness: he
played too much and, what was worse, he lost too frequently.
At one time he wrote of the evils of card-playing he was in
a position to know. But when a ban was placed on cards,
he could argue as brilliantly against the ban. He, the idler,
was appropriately the author of a penitential prayer in Jewish
liturgy. He opposed the Cabala and the idea of the trans-
migration of the soul, but he did not hesitate to issue amulets.

Most puzzling of all is a book Judah Leon Modena wrote
"in defense" of Rabbinic Judaism. Ninety percent of it is
unsparing criticism ! In the first part, which he titles "Voice
of the Fool," he gives the views of an assumed Jewish heretic
of Spain who advocates the abolition of the prayerbook,
suggests a new prayer of six lines to suffice for the day, and
two lines of grace after meals, opposes the dietary laws,
opposes the second days of holidays, opposes fasting on Yom
Kippur, insisting that the ritual laws of the rabbis have no
basis in the word of God. The second part of the book,
Judah Leon's "defense" titled "The Roar of Leon" ("the
lion"), dedicates all of four pages in reply to the bulk of the
radical and penetrating criticism a most unsatisfactory and
incomplete reply. Why did he do that? Did he really
mean to attack Judaism, to invent the heretic as a device
through whom he could speak his own mind without incur-
ring the penalty that befell da Costa, and were the four
scanty pages of reply mere camouflage ?

In similar fashion, a second book of his ineffectually "re-
futes" a heretic of Hamburg. This gives something of a clue.
In all likelihood, the Hamburg heretic was Uriel da Costa,
for he fled to Hamburg after his first excommunication.
Therefore, it does seem that in the first book as well, Judah
Leon Modena referred to a specific heretic not a fictitious
camouflage and that in all sincerity he intended to defend

234 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Judaism but by reason of his shiftlessness never did get to
completing the "defense" beyond the few pages. At all
events, these two books of his reflect the presence in the
seventeenth century of audacious critics of official Judaism
and their individual recommendations for radical change.

Joseph Solomon del Medigo (1592-1655) of Crete, a de-
scendant of Elijah del Medigo, could not find his place in the
Judaism of his day. Educated by Galileo in Padua in the
science of mathematics, and prepared in medicine as a voca-
tion, he returned to Crete. At home, he discovered that his
opinions were too liberal and that he expressed them too
freely. The resultant hostility forced him from his home, to
wander about the world. Abroad, he won success as a
physician ; and as a Jew he disapproved of rabbinism and the
Cabala, but found Karaism attractive. Then in later years he
transferred his profession from physician to preacher and
with that changed to a friendly attitude to rabbinism and
even wrote a book defending the Cabala.

This unsettled life and these shifting opinions evidence a
deep dissatisfaction with the official Judaism. Individual lives
were touched by the Renaissance, but Judaism was not : there
lay the roots of the incongruity.

The most constructive, the most important and the most
unimpeachable among the early critics of Judaism was Baruch
Spinoza (1632-1677). He was born in Amsterdam, of
Marano parents who had just escaped from Portugal. In the
Jewish communal school of Amsterdam he learned the views
of ibn Ezra, Maimonides, and perhaps of Gersonides and
Crescas : for a time he studied for the rabbinate. From non-
Jewish sources Spinoza became acquainted with Latin, and
the world of philosophy which a knowledge of Latin made
accessible, being influenced particularly by the works of
Descartes. These studies developed in him an independence
of thought which the attempt at restriction on the part of the
Jewish authorities could not subdue. His philosophical pur-
suits led him to religious doubts which in turn made him lax
in the observance of Jewish laws. He was drifting from the

RENAISSANCE CRITICS 235

official Judaism of his day and found his contacts outside
the Jewish circle.

To complete the break, the authorities of the Amsterdam
synagogue, unable to persuade him to change his unorthodox
opinions, declared him outside their society. This was in
pursuance of the spirit of those times which did not favor the
toleration of heretics, and also in keeping with the desire of
the newly escaped Maranos to live a full Jewish life without
any endangering complications which might reintroduce the
poignantly remembered horrors of Spain. The officials could
have spared themselves the trouble of pronouncing the ban
because Spinoza, step by step, had long since withdrawn from
the fold, so that when informed of the ban he commented
that he had already excluded himself. His protest insisting
on freedom of thought "to take away the liberty to phi-
losophize is to take away piety" he elaborated into the great
"Theologico-political Tractate" (1670) which he published
anonymously, timid to admit authorship. In it he detailed
the essence of his religious outlook and his estimate of Juda-
ism. Then he left Amsterdam. During the remaining years
of his life he worked as a grinder of lenses and also gave
private instruction in philosophy, Latin and Hebrew, and in
his final days he completed his volume on "Ethics." When
he died he was buried in a Christian cemetery, although he
had never officially accepted Christianity.

Spinoza wrote not for the masses but for the small minority
of scholars. He sought no popularity. The caution and
anonymity of his writings were intended to maintain his
obscurity as well as to preserve his safety. Fate decided
otherwise. By the Jewish leaders, as also by a Christian
theologian (who turned Spinoza's Latin name, Benedictus,
into Maledictus), Spinoza was censored as a heretic. The
epithet "atheist" was hurled at him. After one hundred years
of vituperation there followed seventy years of adulation,
when he was welcomed as the God-intoxicated man. Only
of late has his true significance been estimated in the story of
Judaism and in the history of world philosophy.

236 THUS RELIGION GROWS

What is Spinoza's position in Jewish thought ? His system
of philosophy shows abundant evidence of Jewish influence.
The unity of God is a central doctrine. Nature and the
universe are expressions of God. They are the result of
God's Thought and Extension. Complete union with God
is the goal of man ; by attuning his will with the will of God
man achieves the only real freedom. This is called mystical
pantheism. But actually it is very close to the concept of the
immanence of God as taught by the prophets and other Jewish
thinkers.

Where Spinoza differed particularly was in his estimate of
the Bible and of Jewish practice. He saw Judaism as a sys-
tem of practical rules of conduct to which it demanded obedi-
ence ; this system was an integral part of the Jewish state, but
since the state ceased to exist the laws could no longer be
compulsory. Philosophy to him was a progression to logic
through knowledge, while prophecy made use not of reason
but of stimulated imagination. To arrive at a fair appraisal
of the nature of a prophet it was necessary to investigate the
Bible itself, and Spinoza's whole approach to the Bible is
indeed illuminating. Impressed apparently by ibn Ezra's
intimations, Spinoza recognized in the Bible a tampered text,
much overlapping and ambiguity, and an authorship other
than that designated. He held, for example, that Moses was
not the author of the Five Books of Moses, but that Ezra had
composed the Books from Genesis through to the Book of
Kings. This assumption, we know today, is only partially
true, but it did anticipate, and in a sense it initiated, the
modern science of historical criticism of the Bible which, a
century and a half after Spinoza, brought upheaval to the
Jewish religion, and to religion in general.

While Spinoza had no immediate effect upon the Judaism
of his generation, he has received much attention from, and
has given much inspiration to, Jews of the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries. Had he lived in these later centuries
he would have rallied to himself a following sufficient to pro-
duce a new creation in the Jewish religion. As it was, in
Spinoza's own day the political, economic and educational

THE ACCEPTED CODE OF ORTHODOXY 237

disqualifications prevented the mass of Jewry from partici-
pating in the enlightenment that Spinoza represented they
were not in a position to take advantage of his outlook and
the removal of those disqualifications was not possible until
the end of the eighteenth century. Until then, Rabbinic
Judaism, regardless of individual criticisms, remained the
official and dominant religion.

30. THE ACCEPTED CODE OF ORTHODOXY

THE test of orthodoxy was adherence to an accepted and au-
thoritative code which had reached its final formulation in
the sixteenth century. Orthodoxy unquestionably had its
value. It gave stability to Jewish life. This it needed after
the severe shock of the Spanish Inquisition and the epidemic
of expulsions.

The protracted legal accumulation of Rabbinic Judaism
was given its last comprehensive codification by Joseph Caro
( 1488-1 575) . In his earlier years he had written "The House
of Joseph" as a commentary to the codification the Four
Rows (Turim) arrangement of subjects of Jacob ben
Asher. That commentary, "The House of Joseph," gave the
sources for all rabbinic quotations, a nerve-racking task which
took twenty years to complete ; then as an additional offering
to the goddess of scholarly accuracy Caro gave twelve more
years of his life to checking up on his findings. Realizing
that this intricacy of scholarship would baffle the younger
student and would thus lose its practical applicability, he
abridged both the Code of Jacob ben Asher and his own
commentary to produce a handbook of reference. To em-
phasize the ease with which his handbook of Jewish Law
could be used, Joseph Caro gave it the symbolic title, "The
Prepared Table" (Shulhan Aruk) : the Law is set out ready
for use, even as one may sit down to a prepared table, and eat.

The Shulhan Aruk appeared first in 1565 in Venice. The
arrangement of the material follows the four divisions which
Jacob ben Asher had introduced. It deals only with those
laws and practices which still obtain among the Jews, after

238 THUS RELIGION GROWS

the destruction of the Temple, whether they live in Palestine
or elsewhere, those laws established by Biblical or rabbinic
decree. The goal which Maimonides had held out for his
"Mishneh Torah," that it be accepted by all Jewry as the
practical guide for the religious life, was achieved instead by
Joseph Caro; his and not Maimonides' codification gained
universal acceptance because his, unlike that of Maimonides,
gave the source for every decision, and for more detailed
information the serious scholar could delve into the exhaus-
tive volume, "The House of Joseph."

There is another reason for the wide acceptance of the
Shulhan Aruk. Joseph Caro chose al-Fasi, Maimonides and
Asher ben Jehiel as his three main authorities. Where there
was a difference of opinion he was guided by the majority
opinion, but since two of the three al-Fasi and Maimonides
were Sephardim, and Caro himself was of Spanish origin,
the practices would veer toward the Sephardic custom and
would therefore meet with the criticism of the Ashkenazic
Jews of France, Germany, Poland, Lithuania and Russia. In
Poland and Lithuania especially was it important that this
code be accepted. There, from the sixteenth to the middle
of the seventeenth century, the Jewish population had in-
creased from fifty thousand to five hundred thousand. There,
during that century and a half, economic conditions favored
an enhancement of religious study. There, Shalom Shakna
popularized the method of intensive, hair-splitting study of
the Talmud, which he had imported from southern Germany.
This casuistic method, called Pilpul, produced great mental
exercise but little help in the religious life. A simple codifica-
tion, therefore, such as the Shulhan Aruk, was badly needed.
To the Ashkenazic Jews, however, the Shulhan Aruk was
deficient in that it did not take into account many of the
decisions of the French Tosafists and many of the practices
and customs of the German, Polish and Lithuanian Jews. If
that codification could be supplemented in a way to overcome
these omissions it would prove precisely the code required.

Moses Isserles (1530-1572), a son-in-law of Shalom Shakna,
was just the one suited to write the supplement. Like his

MESSIANIC MIRAGE 239

older contemporary Joseph Caro, he wrote a commentary
to Jacob ben Asher's "Four Rows," calling it "The Ways of
Moses" (Darke Mosheh), in which he embodied criticisms of
Caro's commentary to the same work. Then when the Shul-
han Aruk appeared, Isserles penned critical annotations to it,
giving the Ashkenazic customs and decisions. To round off
the analogy, Moses Isserles called his supplementation "The
Table Cloth" (Mappah), which every set table must have.
These critical annotations were printed together with the
Shulhan Aruk in 1578 and they have appeared thus ever since.
The two form a unit. As a unit they are accepted by all
Jews as the latest authoritative code of Rabbinic Judaism.
Commentaries and super-commentaries have been written ;
certain parts of Jewish ritual and certain departments of
Jewish law have received later codification ; but nothing has
supplanted the work of Caro and Isserles. From the sixteenth
century right into the twentieth century it has remained the
comprehensive code embodying all the laws and practices
observed by the adherents of Rabbinic Judaism.

31. MESSIANIC MIRAGE IN A STAGNANT GHETTO

THE religious life dictated by the annotated Shulhan Aruk
was supplemented by many Jews with a devotion to the
Cabala. The influence of the Cabala was distinctly supple-
mentary, not contradictory, to Rabbinic Judaism. Joseph
Caro himself had been able untiringly to concentrate on his
gigantic task because of an inner compulsion which he de-
rived from his mystical belief. His final residence, Safed,
became a center of the Cabala. Men of great piety and
spirituality congregated there. It was a mystical yearning
that had drawn Caro to the Holy Land, to Safed in Galilee.
So it attracted other souls equally responsive.

Among the great men of piety Isaac Luria (1534-1572)
stood out as the greatest. "The Lion" (Ari) his followers
called him. Born in Jerusalem, of German descent, he went
as a child of eight to live with his well-to-do uncle in Cairo.
Here he received prodigious instruction in the Talmud and

2 4 o THUS RELIGION GROWS

here he studied the Zohar, the "Bible" of the Cabalists. For
several years he drank in its doctrines. His uncle provided
him with a cottage on the Nile where his absorbing study
would be undisturbed, so that he returned to his family only
for the Sabbath. In this solitude he hoped to gain insight
into the divine spirit. The conviction grew on him that he
was a forerunner of the Messiah. Finding this conviction
of his unpopular in Egypt he removed himself and his family
to the more congenial atmosphere of Safed where he and
those of kindred spirit dwelt together, separated from the rest
of the world ; occasionally they might make a pilgrimage to
the grave of Simeon ben Yohai where they pictured him
dictating the secrets of the Zohar.

With the encouragement of a following, Luria put some
life into the Cabala which had become somnolent for more
than two centuries. To explain creation, he taught that God
the Infinite makes Himself finite by contracting Himself.
That makes room for the emanation which goes through four
phases of creation, and that divine light enters matter in vari-
ous proportions. Luria brought the Cabala into man's own
being made it subjective. It is man's highest purpose, he
said, to purify his soul from all that is evil, that it may ascend
to the pure perfection in which it originated. Two means
there are of purifying the soul. Its transmigration is one : a
moderately pure soul rids itself of the dross by entering
cruder matter, such as stones. The other means of purifica-
tion is soul impregnation : the soul which death released from
a nobler person is added in the one body to the soul with
which one is born. In addition, through prayer and the prac-
tice of brotherliness and of certain religious functions the
soul can be further purified. Thus Luria added the practical
application to the theory of Cabala.

Luria composed not a single piece of literature on his teach-
ings. They were transmitted and recorded by his ten or
twelve immediate disciples who were completely won over
to him. If Luria was the "Lion," they were accordingly the
"Lion's Whelps" ; the greatest ("Whelp") admirer and ex-

MESSIANIC MIRAGE 241

ponent of Luria's theories was Hayyim Vital (1543-1620)
of an Italian family. Through his disciples, Luria's mystical
ideas were carried all over Europe, to Turkey, Italy, Ger-
many, Poland, Holland.

It is not to be imagined that many Jews actually understood
the Cabala. They were simply impressed by it. What they
were told to do, they did. With equal blindness, the tend-
ency was all too strong to regard the spokesmen of the Cabala
as saints. That is dangerous. It leaves an opening for char-
latans. Sabbatai Zebi (1626-1676) saw this opening. Of
Spanish ancestry, he was born in Smyrna. Tremendously
impressed by Luria's exposition of the Zohar, he withdrew
from society to live the ascetic life which would prepare him
to receive the divine spirit. This was at a very early age.
When only twenty he already had a group of young men
as followers. His intellect, his voice, his very appearance at-
tracted people to him. Even his father attributed his pros-
perity to his son's holiness; therefore he gave him every
opportunity to continue as he saw fit.

The year 1648 was specified in the Zohar as the date for
the appearance of the Messiah. Sabbatai was then only
twenty-two years old. Privately he revealed himself to his
disciples as the Messiah. As a special dispensation he allowed
them to pronounce the awe-inspiring, ineffable, four-letter
name of God. That was the long awaited sign that Israel's
exile was ended. Unable to restrain Sabbatai, the rabbis of
Smyrna, after putting up with his Messianic pretensions for
three years, excommunicated him and with the help of the
Turkish government drove him out. That did not daunt
him: persecution is fuel to a Messianic flare-up. With his
father's financial backing, Sabbatai wandered hither and yon.
First to Constantinople. Then several years in Saloniki
where he culminated his secret propaganda with a banquet
at which he declared his marriage to the Torah and his identity
as the Messiah, son of the Infinite. The rabbinic authorities
of Saloniki saw to it that this banquet took on the unexpected
significance of a farewell affair. On to Morea. Then to

242 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Cairo, where he found some sympathy among the mystically-
minded, and substantial help from a wealthy ascetic named
Raphael Joseph Halabi.

1666 was the year a group of Christians expected the
millennium. As the red-letter year was approaching, Sab-
batai's propaganda accelerated. He came to Jerusalem to be
on the spot where he could make full preparations. It must
be said that even here he bewitched people with his person-
ality. There was one whom he charmed in particular.
Sarah, a Jewish girl of Poland, beautiful but half-crazed by
the agonizing torture of the Polish pogroms, wandered all
over at the risk of her reputation seeking the Messiah
whom alone she would marry. She found Sabbatai and Sab-
batai found her. He took her, regardless of her shady repu-
tation, to be his queen in the coming days of the Messiah ;
Halabi arranged an elaborate wedding for the couple and he
assured them an income. Sabbatai then obtained a prophet
to proclaim his advent. The prediction duly made, as origi-
nating appropriately from a divine echo, the message was
circularized to all the Jewish communities in all the countries.
Then difficulties in Jerusalem sent Zebi on his way back
to Smyrna. There, in one of the synagogues, on the New
Year's Day, he was acclaimed the Messiah. Trumpets were
blown; the congregation exclaimed: "Long live our King,
our Messiah!" The excitement was frenzied. All restraint
was thrown overboard. There was no need for restraint. A
new world was being ushered in. Some fasted and castigated
themselves; more feasted and indulged in license. Like a
flame reaching out to wood long dried, so the great news
leaped from country to country, reaching even to England,
igniting the age-long expectation of the Messiah. Whichever
rabbis dared oppose Sabbatai were deposed. Believers were
put into office.

Sensing the dangers of defection in such frenzy, the Turk-
ish authorities began to feel concerned. Sabbatai journeyed
to Constantinople, either because he expected the obeisance
of the sultan or because he was summoned, but, whatever his
hopes, on arrival he was clapped into a fortress. To the be-

MESSIANIC MIRAGE 243

lievers this was but one stage in the program of the Messiah,
a period of two years' suffering, after which he would emerge
in full glory. The fortress metamorphosed into a hotbed
of propaganda. From it Zebi sent out instructions that all
the days which had been heretofore designated days of
mourning should now be celebrated joyously, and of himself
he spoke in divine terms. That was the climax!

The denouement came rapidly. A Polish Cabalist who had
been prophesying the advent of the Messiah, independent of
any knowledge of Sabbatai, was ordered to consult with Sab-
batai. After three days' discussion he concluded that Sab-
batai was not genuine. This conclusion nearly cost the
Cabalist his life ; he fled to Constantinople and there he de-
scribed the movement as an effort to depose the sultan, and
to give veracity to his statement he temporarily took on the
Mohammedan religion.

The Turks now thought it full time to act. And they
acted on the advice of the sultan's court-physician a convert
that to convert the Jews to Islam was better than to kill
them. Of the alternative offered him, Sabbatai chose Islam.
To give him the benefit of a doubt, it may be that he took
this seemingly cowardly step to avoid the shedding of Jewish
blood. We do know that for embracing Islam he was duly
honored as an inducement for others to follow his example.
But they would not. They were bewildered. Some believed
his betrayal a part of the Messianic program. Others con-
jectured that the Messiah had risen to heaven to return at
a later date to effect the full salvation and that only a
phantom of Sabbatai had become a Mohammedan. The phan-
tom or whatever it was that continued to be called Sabbatai
was shunned by the majority of Jews, even by his former
followers. Some few adhered to him even now and founded
a special sect of Jewish Mohammedans still in existence,
called the Donmeh ("apostates"). Either because he could
not convert greater numbers to Islam or because he again
pretended to be a Messiah, the Turkish authorities sent him
from Adrianople to Constantinople. Then, when they found
him in Jewish company singing Psalms, they banished him

244 THUS RELIGION GROWS

to Albania where there were no Jews. Here he ended his

days, lonely and forsaken.

Sabbatai's death did not dissipate the Messianic mirage.
Great expectations cannot so easily be made to vanish.
Groups of emissaries still circulated the secret doctrine that
the Messiah is bound to return. For over a hundred years
his return was awaited. The atmosphere was still sufficiently
charged for certain of Sabbatai's followers to gain credence
for the claim that the soul of Sabbatai had entered into them
and that now they were the Messiah.

Such a claim was made by Mordecai of Eisenstadt; he
fasted, eleven days at a time (sometimes), and preached re-
pentance, but he passed into oblivion.

Sabbatai's widow not Sarah, but a later wife of his Islamic
days convinced her fifteen-year-old brother, Jacob Querido,
that he was the heir of Sabbatai's Messianic body and soul.
As such, he enjoyed all the license of life. The danger was
sensed by the rabbis and they nipped it in the bud. They
did not take Querido into custody for the sole reason that
he and his four hundred followers had played for safety:
they became Mohammedans, but practiced Judaism. When
Querido died, his son was acclaimed the reincarnation of Sab-
batai. Interesting is the coincidence that among the Mo-
hammedans there is the like belief that the soul of Mohammed
reappeared in Ali and his descendants.

The Querido group solidified itself with the Donmeh group
as a separate sect in Turkey, marrying among themselves,
maintaining the rite of circumcision, observing Sabbatai's
birthday (the ninth of Ab) as a festival, praying partly in
Hebrew, believing in reincarnation. The sect has continued
its identity steadily, members viewing themselves as the faith-
ful few and all the other Jews as unbelievers, yet maintaining
their separateness from Islam. With secret tenacity have they
held on, until a Sultan in the twentieth century gave them
freedom to practice their religion openly. Living curiosities
they are of the amazing story of Judaism.

A charlatan of some ingenuity capitalized on the momentum
of the Messianic movement. Nehemiah Hayyun (1650-

MESSIANIC MIRAGE 245

1726) composed a Cabalistic tract supposed to have been
written by Sabbatai, called "Secret of the Truth," which he
joined with his own two commentaries under the complete
title, "Truth of the AIL" He developed the idea that the
Infinite (God) was constituted of three elements : the First
Cause, the Holy Father, the Holy Ghost, "the three knots of
truth" ; of the trinity, he mentioned Sabbatai as the Holy
Father. Some of the rabbis were taken in, but those expert
in discovering swindles denounced Nehemiah and took the
wind out of his sails. Although the Sephardic leader of
Amsterdam fought in his behalf, Nehemiah's aims fell through.

From Poland a group of some fifteen hundred mystics
made a pilgrimage to Palestine in 1700, to await the advent
of the Messiah. They waited, prepared for the vicissitudes
they had to endure. When their leader Judah the Hasid
died, he was regarded as a saint. Hardships ultimately dis-
persed the group.

A gifted young poet of Padua, Moses Hayyim Luzzatto
(1707-1747), wrote a mystical commentary on the Pentateuch
similar to the Zohar style, by what he took to be the revela-
tion of an angel ; that was enough to arouse suspicion, and
extreme measures were taken to avoid another Messianic
disturbance. So fanatic had the reaction against Sabbatai
become that one brilliant Talmudist, Jonathan Eibeschutz
(1690-1764), was wrongly accused of including references
to Sabbatai in the amulets which he concocted for Cabalists,
and he was undeservedly subjected to a nasty quarrel.

The last glimmer of the Messianic mirage centered about
Jacob Frank (1726-1791) of Poland. From the Sabbataians
in Turkey he learned to frown upon Jewish tradition and,
more important, he learned the theory of reincarnation. He
gave out the secret that in him were gathered the souls of
the Messiahs who had preceded. Throughout the Balkan
countries he traveled, picking up followers as he went. His
beautiful wife did marvelously as recruiting agent. Trouble
came inevitably and he repaired to Poland to lead disorgan-
ized Sabbataians. At this stage he exhibited a tendency
toward Catholicism, teaching the Trinity and also that the

246 THUS RELIGION GROWS

divine can assume human form. The rabbinic excommunica-
tion followed ; Frank retaliated by pronouncing his belief
publicly in the Trinity and his opposition to Rabbinic Juda-
ism. This he did after he had reached the safety of Turkish
territory. Moreover, he wrote the Catholic Bishop Dembow-
ski that he preferred the Zohar because it contained reference
to the Trinity and he demanded a public disputation with the
rabbis. The outcome was that the Christian clergy burned
the Talmud and reimbursed the Frankists for damages.
When the bishop died the Frankists lost their support and
Jacob Frank fled to Turkey where he the former Trini-
tarian posed as a Mohammedan.

The Frankists then intrigued with the canon Mikolski
to hold a new disputation at Lemberg, in appreciation for
which they would go over to Christianity. In the public
sessions of disputation the rabbis won an easy victory. Jacob
Frank demurred to approach the fount of baptism. For five
years he dangled the promise. But that was his bargain:
he could delay no longer. He and two thousand of his fol-
lowers submitted to baptism. It was too much, however, to
expect that to cure him of his intrigues. With Frank as the
Messiah, the group practiced secret rites, claiming him as the
incarnation of Jesus and seeking a territory of their own.
That was more than the Polish government could tolerate.
Frank was imprisoned for thirteen years and his two sons
were brought up in a monastery, while his attractive daughter
through dispensing personal favors of a dubious nature helped
attract followers to the prison shrine. After his release he
toured Moravia with his daughter, in grand style, and then
when things became uncomfortable he settled in Germany as
Baron Offenbach. Here he died. Here his daughter con-
tinued until 1817 when she ended her days in neglect and
poverty. That closed the final chapter in the career of an-
other false Messiah.

All the Messianic pretensions and the mystical hysteria,
beginning with Sabbatai Zebi and ending with Jacob Frank,
were disgraceful, revealing to some extent a certain deteriora-
tion in the spiritual life of the people, a deterioriation inflicted

RABBINIC JUDAISM ENDURES 247

on them by the environment, a stagnant, ghetto environment
surrounded by hostility. Unable to participate in the wider
life of the day and despairing of any human assistance in
their desire to breathe freely and to practice their religion
freely at best they were only tolerated, and never were
they free and equal, masters of their own domain they
resorted to hope for superhuman aid.

At the same time, it should be realized that only a small
proportion of the Jews were caught up in the Messianic
frenzy. They might be counted in hundreds or thousands
but no more. The vast bulk of the people lived in accordance
with the Shulhan Aruk, the most recent guide for their Rab-
binic Judaism. The ability of the rabbinic leaders to cut
away all excrescences and, amidst the turmoil, to preserve the
true essence of Judaism is evidence of the vitality of Rabbinic
Judaism.

32. RABBINIC JUDAISM ENDURES

IT is indeed remarkable that from the beginning of the third
century until the end of the eighteenth century, for a period
of sixteen hundred years, the rabbinic presentment of Judaism
dominated. The startling observation has been made (by
George Foot Moore) that Judaism is the only religion, ex-
cepting Zoroastrianism with only about one hundred thousand
followers, which has been able to survive out of all the re-
ligions which occupied the stage of human events in the
Roman and Parthian empires prior to the beginnings of
Christianity. Was it not because there was a vital reason
for remaining a Jew ? Was it not also because the rabbinic
system of Judaism succeeded in preserving an all-encompass-
ing unity in attitude and observance among the Jews dispersed
widely over the world in most diverse environments ?

Sinking its roots in the work of Ezra the scribe, in the
fifth century B.C.E., it proceeded along a consistent line of
growth, maturing into its standard expression as found in
the Mishnah. Then it expanded into the Talmud ; then the
Responsa of the Geonim supplemented, the endless commen-
taries of the rabbis enriched, and the several codifications sys-

248 THUS RELIGION GROWS

tematized Rabbinic Judaism, until it reached the most
practicable codification of the Shulhan Aruk.

During this long course of years Rabbinic Judaism was
many times challenged by the destruction of the nation and
the Temple, by the loss of homeland and independence, by
the restriction of the freedom to accept proselytes, by the
Sadducees and by the Karaites, by the philosophy of Hellenism,
of the Kalamists, of the neo-Platonists, of the Aristotelians,
by the rise of two powerful religions whose montheistic and
ethical bases were derived from Judaism, by individual critics,
by Messianic pretenders, and by gentile persecution.

All these trials Judaism survived. More Rabbinic Juda-
ism, in the process of surviving, gathered to itself added
strength. The necessity of persevering all these centuries as
primarily a religious community, self-sustaining and self-
governing, produced a religion which was coextensive with
life, which introduced ethical idealism into every last nook
and corner of life's routine and precluded the secularization
of any single event of life. Religion was the one instrument
for self-expression and group-preservation. Therefore, it em-
braced within its compass all civil and criminal and domestic
law, all morals, all sciences, all arts, all vocations and all
avocations.

In this way the Jewish religion assimilated some of the
cleansing logic of philosophy ; it could not be a blind un-
questioning faith. It absorbed some of the emotional warmth
of mysticism ; it could not be a cold belief. It assigned tan-
gible duties for every hour of the day and for every day of the
year; it could not be a weakened week-end religion. The
necessity of defending itself against rival trends of thought
Hellenism and Karaism within, Zoroastrianism, Christianity
and Islam outside forced a systematic consideration of the
credal elements of the religion, the foundation of dogma upon
which rests the entire ethical and ceremonial behavior of the
Jew.

In each generation teachers arose to teach anew what was
very old. In each generation teachers modified and adapted
the religious requirements and regulations according to the

ITS STRENGTH 249

needs of that age and circumstance. Yet, with all these modi-
fications, the basis remained undisturbed. In a philosophic
environment the religion took on a philosophic mien. Mai-
monides epitomized the noblest of that era, and yet in a later
generation he lost prestige, not because of any shortcoming
in the intensity of, or fidelity to, his Judaism, but because the
environment itself changed. It was no longer philosophic.
Then Judaism took on new complexions. It appeared as
mysticism. It appeared as legalism. It took on the color
of the new environment. But the basis remained ever the
same. That gave it its unity and its continuity.

33. ITS STRENGTH

WHAT is this unifying, integrating basis of Rabbinic Judaism ?

The foundation of Rabbinic Judaism is the conviction
that God revealed Himself to man, His character and purpose,
His will as to what man should be and do, all in the Written
Law of the Old Testament the Torah. Between the second
century B.C.E. and the first century C.E., the Bible came to
be looked upon as complete and final, the special revelation
of God to Israel, and through Israel to the world. In the
words of the Mishnah (Sanhedrin 10: i) : "He who holds
that there is no Torah from Heaven forfeits his share in the
world to come."

There is no question about the revelation. To Moses, God
appeared directly and distinctly ; to the other prophets His
message came through a messenger or angel, through dreams
and visions, through coherent and incoherent speech. All
the characters of the Old Testament who communicated to
their generations the direct message of God through His
spirit, tradition designates as prophets, and that tradition
counts forty-eight prophets and seven prophetesses in Israel.
Thus containing the words of those directly instructed by
God, the Old Testament is considered inspired in a unique
and supernatural sense. Once the prophet ceased, revelation
ceased forever. The Old Testament became a closed book.
All that could be done thenceforth was to clarify the meaning

2 5 o THUS RELIGION GROWS

of Scripture and to apply its revelation for each generation.
Even philosophy which employs logic in an independent pur-
suit of truth, even philosophy accepted the divine revelation
to Moses and the prophets as eternally true and binding, and
therefore Jewish philosophy remained safely within the
bounds of Judaism.

It is challenging to speculate on why the Books of the Bible
came to be considered as uniquely revealed. Why only those
books ? Why not equally good books, such as the Wisdom
of Ben Sira? We know that there were prolonged debates
as to which books should be included and which excluded ?
If the inclusion of some of them was the result of debate and
human decision, is it not all the more remarkable that only
those finally included should have been considered uniquely
revealed ? Whence arose the thought that the prophets and
prophecy had come at a precise date to cease forever, that
God would communicate directly with mankind until then,
and not thereafter ? In what essential regard did the prophets
differ from the scribes or the rabbis ? Each group sought to
improve the nobility of life. How came the realization that
one group prior to 200 B.C.E., or 100 C.E., was uniquely in-
spired, while the other two groups were just human interpre-
ters of divine revelation ? It is possible that the destruction
of the Temple and the nation and the consequent exile deep-
ened in the people a sense of sinfulness, that the destruction
and the diaspora were punishment for gross sinfulness, and
that they were therefore no longer worthy of direct revela-
tionthat it was ended forever: no more would prophets
appear. However, no thoroughgoing inquiry has yet been
made and the discoveries of psychological and historical
research in this regard will be interesting to know.

We do know that the rabbinic belief in the divine revela-
tion of Scripture is fundamental in the entire superstructure
of Rabbinic Judaism. It is the authority. It compels obedi-
ence. God has spoken; man must obey. If it is revealed,
every word of Scripture is equally valuable in making known
to man the ways of God and what God requires of man.
The meaning is sometimes clear, visible on the surface, so

ITS STRENGTH 251

that anyone who reads may understand; sometimes it is
abstruse and hidden, comprehended only by those who can
see the meaning beneath the surface. If it is revealed, then
no dictum in the Bible is too trivial for man's obedience, since
it is the expressed behest of God. Rabbinic Judaism is thus
nomistic, that is, established on God-given Law.

Looked upon in this fashion, the Bible is necessarily perfect
and necessarily a unit. There can be no contradictions ;
there can be no superfluities. Nothing is accidental ; noth-
ing is omitted. There can be no modification ; there can be
no new testament of God. His revelation to Moses and the
prophets is perfect and final, for all time.

Yet it is impossible to say that Rabbinic Judaism teaches
precisely the same as Biblical Judaism. Even with the theory
of revelation so final and complete, the human soul aspires
onward. Rabbinic Judaism, as the Oral Law, is theoretically
the natural interpretation of the Written Law (the Bible)
theoretically the natural extension in unchanged form, but by
force of practical circumstances a changed and improved and
progressive expression of Judaism.

The religion of the Bible was held inviolate. Time, how-
ever, demands change. Conditions change. Social structures
move on. From a pastoral and agricultural people the Jews
became city-dwellers, or tradesmen adventuring to distant
markets; no longer a nation in Canaan, they became sup-
pressed religious minorities in the communities of the world.

How could the Biblical religion, arising from Biblical back-
grounds, suffice ? It did not take a long time to find the way
out. Devices of interpretation presented themselves which
made possible the improvement on inadequate, inferior and
outworn teachings, while yet retaining the theory of the per-
fection of the Old Testament. Through these devices, which
ofttimes border on casuistry, the rabbis selected from the
amalgam of the Old Testament those which they considered
the higher teachings and featured them rather than the in-
ferior teachings, and in some interpretations advanced beyond
the Biblical level all along, though, maintaining that the
superior values were really contained in the God-revealed

252 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Bible. Sometimes it was merely a matter of the proper dis-
tribution of emphasis, for difference in emphasis can change
the entire character of a thought.

On those rare occasions when it seemed necessary to set
aside the Pentateuchal laws and no suitable exegetical device
could be found, the justification was found in Psalm 119,
verse 126 : "It is time for Thee, Lord, to work ; for they have
made void Thy law." This verse is made to mean "It is time
to do something for the Lord," and what indeed is more
valuable than refurbishing the law of the Lord ?

As a last resort, one could always resort to allegory. If
one no longer believed in angels, he could designate them as
allegorical for the purpose of mental perception as did cer-
tain of the Jewish philosophers. The word "allegory" means
etymologically "saying something else," and through allegory
one may say much that is not in the Bible. As when striking
a rock, we find stated in the Midrash, a hammer produces
many sparks, so God by one word may mean many things.
Man must search and find. Maimonides, with the same
thought in mind, compares the Torah to a golden apple in
silver network: those who stand afar off can only see the
silver network ; those with greater insight espy the fine gold
within.

Even as inferior teachings were ignored, so new accretions
gradually made their way into the rabbinic religion without
breaking the continuity, as long as they could be linked in
some way to the Bible. Once they were read into the Bible,
those innovations acquired all the supernatural sanction of the
Bible : thus was it possible to introduce valuable customs of
individual and social behavior and to make obedience to them
obligatory.

Such innovations, of course, could gain entrance only
through properly constituted authorities. During the rab-
binic period the nature of the religious authorities varied from
time to time as conditions allowed. At first it was the
Sanhedrin, then the patriarch, the ordained rabbis, those recog-
nized as masters in scholarship, the Geonim, the Codes, safe-
guards to the Law of Scripture, long-established tradition,

ITS STRENGTH 253

compelling reason, the force of custom. Of the decrees that
were enacted, the prohibitions were designated as "gezerot,"
and the positive ordinances as "takkanot." Whether intro-
duced by an individual or by a council, the justification was
always a word or verse in the Bible. Revealed religion de-
manded that. Thus, although revealed, the religion could
progress. And although the religion had changed to the ex-
tent that of the six hundred and thirteen religious duties de-
rived from the Bible, one authoritative book of the Middle
Ages (Sefer ha-Hinnuk) enumerates only two hundred and
seventy as being still in force the vast number of ceremonial
laws of the Talmudic Orders, Zeraim, Kodashim, Tohorot
and most of Moed, having been nullified by the newer ways
of living the religion remained basically the same, revealed.

Moreover, the rabbis make more specific and more detailed
the requirements of Judaism and therefore make religion more
a matter of the daily life. The simple rules of the Bible may
have sufficed for the simple life of the earlier generations.
Even where details were not given, everyone must have under-
stood what was expected. But a religion that was to guide
the conduct for groups near and far, engaged in all manner
of occupation, required specific elaboration. For instance,
the prohibition in the Bible with regard to working on the
Sabbath is coercive, yet undefined. After all, what consti-
tutes work? Is walking, work? Is riding, work? The
Talmudic literature probes into the minutest detail to define
what constitutes work. This is most valuable in the build-
ing up of a practical religion.

Nearly everyone agrees with the general virtues, nearly
everyone will admit without argument that goodness and
truth and social justice are desirable elements in the religious
life, but there is little unanimity as to what constitutes good-
ness in specific situations, or which method is the most desir-
able in the achievement of social justice; in the matter of
social justice, for example, can it be achieved through social-
ism, through a limited monarchy, through communism,
through fascism, or through democracy there are honest
devotees of each one of these political orders, all of them

254 THUS RELIGION GROWS

strive for social justice, and yet in the specific translations of
their efforts they may be actually producing the very oppo-
site of what they desire. General ideals in religion have
some value : they provide healthy motivation. But that is
only half ; in addition to motivation must be the detailed ap-
plication. There must be ample illustration to make a vivid
appeal for emulation. There must be specific minutiae to
hallow the manifold diurnal duties. This is what the rabbinic
complement provides. That is one of the distinctive features
of Judaism in its maturity.

In a religion which supports itself on a direct revelation
from God, there is obviously no room for argument as to
whether God exists. "Everything is in the power of Heaven
except the fear of Heaven" (Talmud : Berakot 33 b). Before
all else, God must be accepted. According to the rabbis,
therefore, God shows His presence through His revelations
to the prophets, and in holy Scripture he instructs mankind
how to discern His presence in nature and history. It is not
so much the theoretical belief in God that matters but rather
the demonstration of that belief or disbelief as evidenced in
the character of one's conduct. By not hearkening to the
word of the Lord, by not obeying all His commandments, one
denies "the root" the belief in God (Lev. 26:14). The
emphasis on "doing" is valuable for all time. A philosophical
acquiescence as to the existence of God means little if it has
no effect upon one's attitude and conduct. The detached
and unapplied belief in God certainly has no place in Judaism.
Constantly in one's inner thought must be the challenge :
does the existence of God make any difference to me ? does
it mean that I must never despair ? does it mean that my efforts
for what is good and true will find support in the larger
world about me ? does it mean that all men of all races are
my brothers? God exists and one must act accordingly.

The existence of One God that is central. He revealed
to man the way of life : that is the first premise. This revela-
tion is contained in Scripture. Here we have the nucleus of
Rabbinic Judaism. Everything grows out of it. Varia-
tions enter in the understanding and interpretation of the

ITS STRENGTH 255

divine revelation. There is no one theological system. Israel
Abrahams in his volume, "Judaism" (p. 6),* summarizes well
in these words : "In the Jewish theology of all ages we find
the most obvious contradictions. There was no attempt at
reconciliation of such contradictions ; they were juxtaposed in
a mechanical mixture, there was no chemical compound.
The Jew was always a man of moods, and his religion re-
sponded to those varying phases of feeling and belief and

action."

Nevertheless, certain well-defined conclusions were ac-
cepted from a perusal of God's revelation in Scripture. Fore-
most is the choice of Israel. All the Old Testament speaks
of Israel as having been chosen by God. Within the Bible
itself there are variations as to what that choice implies, but
the culmination of it all is that Israel was not chosen as a pet
people but rather to fulfill a self-sacrificing mission, namely,
through pain and persecution to bring to the world-at-large
the truth that the One God is the God of all mankind.

No greater force to preserve the Jew could there be than
this concept of the choice of Israel. The torture of persecu-
tion could not tear apart the Jewish group. If God revealed
His purpose in Scripture and no one would doubt that
and if Scripture designates the choice of Israel, then persecu-
tion becomes but one item in the divine program for the
universe. What is more important is the obligation upon the
Jew to study day and night, to explore deeply into God's
message to man, to obey and perform all the duties which
God has assigned, to live such a life as to lead all humanity
to the recognition of the God of Israel whom all the world
should revere and obey. Steadfast loyalty to this mission,
even at the price of pain, is worth everything. It is service to
God. It ennobles life here on this earth and it earns a reward
in the realm beyond. To use the words of the Mishnah
(Sanhedrin 10:1) : "All Israel have a share in the world to
come." And even in the terrestrial world, God will in His
own good time effect a national restoration of Israel, a release
from oppression, and then all nations of the earth will appre-
*By permission of The Open Court Publishing Co., publishers.

256 THUS RELIGION GROWS

ciate that for their sake did Israel suffer and therefore all the
greater will be Israel's glory. . . With this trend of reason-
ing accepted as indisputably true, could there have been a
more powerful factor for the preservation of the Jew and his
religion ?

"Faith" signifies not simply faith in God's existence, but
confidence in God's actions.

That confidence in divine justice overflowed into Messianic
outlets. God would assuredly restore the people to the an-
cient homeland and the deserved glory ; if natural means of
restoration seemed remote the Jew would not despair, for the
Almighty can invoke supernatural aid. The Messiah will
come. On the basis of intimations in the Book of Daniel or
in other Biblical passages, or by means of numerical decoding
of significant words arranged in anagram or acrostic form or
transposed, or by comparing the duration of the First and
Second Exiles with the prolonged Third Exile, or by analyz-
ing the starry formations in the heavens, generation after
generation of Jews throughout the Middle Ages sought to
calculate the date for the promised Messiah. When the fixed
date arrived, there were ever those who made claim to Mes-
siahship. Disappointment and dejection invariably followed,
yet the hope never diminished. God is just !

While not minimizing the values of life on earth, Rabbinic
Judaism brings the life of the world beyond into a prominence
unknown in the Bible. Expressive of the Biblical attitudes
is the verse (Job 14:12) : "So man lieth down, and riseth
not : till the heavens be no more, they shall not awake, nor
be raised out of their sleep"; in that case the entire problem
of right and wrong, of sorrow and joy, must be worked out
in terms of this life. If the immediate future looked hope-
less, the prophets of the Bible could point to the "Day of
God" when the wrong would be righted. The Talmud de-
fers that "Day of God" to the world beyond. Herein lies
one of the most essential modifications of the Bible religion.
With reward and punishment in the resurrected life, the ways
of God cannot be properly accounted for without taking into
full account what awaits man in the hereafter. Life here

ITS STRENGTH 257

determines man's share in the hereafter. If the righteous
suffer here, it is that their share of joy may be all the greater
in the hereafter. When death comes, the righteous have
nothing to fear ; the wicked may well stand in awe of death,
for to them will come the consequences of their evil deeds.

What brought about this entire theology of the world be-
yond ? Possibly it was the crumbling of the empires which
the rabbis witnessed in the early centuries of the present era
and the consequent realization of how ephemeral things are
here on this earth. Possibly it emerged from the struggle
between the Pharisees and the Sadducees. Possibly it re-
sulted from the endless postponement of the "Day of God."
However it originated, it did give a consistent and complete
picture of life and a logical solution to the problem of evil.
It made willing martyrs to the cause of Israel. It made the
Jew feel the worthwhileness of scrupulously adhering to the
requirements of Judaism.

At the same time, emphasis on the world beyond did not
make of Judaism an other-worldly religion. This life was not
to be scorned. The manner in which one lived his earthly
life determined his lot in the supramundane realm. Here on
this earth the material things were to be enjoyed as God's
gifts, and long life was to be desired. The thought of salva-
tion in a world beyond tended rather to the enumeration of
duties that man must perform, here and now, in order to
merit salvation. These religious duties or rules of conduct
coming from God, known as Mizwot, are special character-
istics of Judaism. They include the moral and the cere-
monial, the prohibitions and the demands for performance
totaling six hundred and thirteen.

Other characteristic developments in Rabbinic Judaism
grow out of the amplification of the God idea. It represents
quite an advance in thought to have conceived of God as act-
ing upon each individual according to each one's strength.
In other words, God accommodates His demands to the recep-
tive power of the individual. In this presentation of the way
of God we have an approach which does much to individualize
God. His love is for each one. His revelation is for each

258 THUS RELIGION GROWS

one. Each human being has the stamp of Adam. It is as
though the world were created just for himself : correspond-
ingly serious is each man's responsibility as to his conduct.

In addition to individualizing God, the rabbis also spiritual-
ized God. No one knows the place of God in the world,
even as no one knows the place of the soul in the body.
"When you pray, realize before whom you stand" (Berakot
28 b) . Pray with "Kawwanah," that entire surrender to God,
in which all else disappears. Whatever the terms we use
to describe God apply personally to man, to direct man's
conduct. If God is described as ubiquitous, it is to impress
upon man that none can escape Him ; if God is described as
one, it is that He alone is sovereign of men's affairs ; if God
is described as omnipotent, it is that nothing can avert His
decrees. The sum total of all His attributes is expressed
in the words Justice and Mercy. And the seal of God is
Truth.

The strong moral sense in all of the rabbinic literature is
striking. Magnificent is the concept of Kiddush ha-Shem.
Deriving the thought from Exodus 19:18, the rabbis evolved
the far-reaching idea that God needs Israel. His honor is
involved in the behavior of Israel. "When you Israel are
my witnesses, then I am God ; when not, I am not God"
( Yalkut Shimoni : Jethro) . If one of Israel, a witness to God's
existence, lives worthily, he accords honor to the name of
God (Kiddush ha-Shem) meaning, that people will by that
action see that the Lord is the true God, and that individual,
worthy life will to that extent bring nearer the day when all
mankind will serve God. Conversely, if an Israelite lives un-
worthily, he discredits the name of God (Hillul ha-Shem).
Convinced in his own heart that this is so, what a mighty
power for righteous conduct the appreciation of Kiddush
ha-Shem is to the Jew. Sooner any sacrifice than to defile
God's name ! And is not that, indeed, the truest standard of
religion, to judge it by the lives of those who practice it ?

In subtle shades and nuances of ethical distinctions the
rabbis advance the religion of the Jew. This is particularly
noticeable in the many precautions to spare one's "feelings."

ITS STRENGTH 259

In charity, spare the sensibilities of the recipient. Refrain
from peddling gossip. While emphasizing that intention
counts, the rabbis at the same time reprove actions which
might give wrong impressions even though the intentions be
commendable. Delving more deeply than does the Bible
into motives for ethical living, the rabbis evaluate higher and
lower motives, beginning with the desire for reward and the
fear of punishment as the lowest common denominator in
man's behavior, and finding more pleasing to God the doing
of virtue for virtue's sake (Lishman) or for the sake of God
(1'Shem Shamayim), and realizing too that obedience to
God's Law prompted by a lower motive may in time lead to a
response to higher motives. In the very performance of a
religious duty there is pleasure (Simhah shel Mizwah) re-
gardless of all else. Every relationship in life, in business, in
the family, in charity, in society, everything is hallowed by
a delicate ethical approach, such as is consistent with living in
accord with the wishes of a God of love, truth, justice and
peace. There is no single uniform ethical system ; but, more
important in translating ideals into people's lives, there are
volumes and volumes of varieties of ethical statements and
illustrations, enriching the one theme of serving God. Many
moral relations, in fact, are left to the guidance of the indi-
vidual conscience (Masur la-Leb), for the God-conscious
conscience can do no wrong.

Sin, it follows logically, is a violation of the revealed will
of God. The rabbis sense the stubborn nature of sinfulness.
There is in man an inborn inclination (Yezer) to good and
to bad. The inclination to bad is strangely indispensable ;
without it, for example, there would be no repopulation or
civilization. There is no such thing as original sin. There
is simply the inclination to good or bad. The course to
follow is to sublimate the evil propensity, to tame it and
sanctify it. That can be done by exercising the impulse for
good, by prayer, by clinging closely to the Law of God, and
beyond that, God will help, for a marvellous power comes
from God to aid the powers for good, but not for bad.

Ignorance is close to sin. The Am ha-Arez (ignoramus)

260 THUS RELIGION GROWS

is the target for much rabbinic scorn. The discouraging
characteristic of sin is its increasing domination, once one
gets into its clutch : "At the beginning sin is like a thread of
a spider's web, but in the end it becomes like a ship's cable"
(Midrash : Gen. Rabbah 22:11). It is a sad observation that
sin leads to further sin, and sinners make sinners of others.
The very worst sins are : heathenism, unchastity, homicide.
The worst punishment is not alone the evil consequence of
sin in this world but the denial of the right to share in the
world to come. The doctrine of immortality is thus highly
significant in the control of human conduct, a control which
was not operative in Biblical days.

Powerful as is the tendency to sin, so great is the oppor-
tunity for repentance and forgiveness. Repentance is a radi-
cal change in one's attitude or behavior. One abandons the
evil he has done and fortifies himself against the temptation
to sin once more in the same way. Repentance means,
furthermore, that if he has wronged a fellow-man he must
make reparation, and if he has offended God he must atone
through good works, mainly charity. If it leads to penitence,
suffering may expiate sin. The Day of Atonement helps.
The virtue of a saintly man may be transferred to benefit a
sinner (Zekut). The grace of God is an added factor in
the forgiveness of sin, for God forgives by reason of His own
goodness. It is obvious that throughout rabbinic literature
there is no fatalism. The door is always open to God and
goodness.

In a revealed religion the ceremonial observances are or-
dained by God even as are the ethical duties, and they must
be honored whether or not the reason for them is understood
or understandable. These ceremonial observances are the
visible signs of a Jew. Circumcision, the Sabbath, the New
Year's Day of Judgment, and the Day of Atonement, the
Festivals of Passover, Tabernacles and Pentecost, the minor
feasts of Hanukkah and Purim, the public fasts, the dietary
laws, and the laws of personal hygiene and appearance these
are the major observances in Rabbinic Judaism, with the
manner of observance minutely delineated.

ITS STRENGTH 261

The two main institutions of Rabbinic Judaism were the
synagogues and the schools, both closely associated. The
synagogue was the center of Jewish life. It was the house
of worship, the house of study, and the house of assembly.
As the house of study, it stood for a program of educating
the entire people : a knowledge of God's revealed will, and
the benefits which derive from that knowledge, could come
only through study. This educational function of the syna-
gogue gave to Rabbinic Judaism the distinctive quality of
being a religion dedicated to the education of the masses. As
a house of assembly, the synagogue was the social center:
around it the Jewish community grew ; in it Jews made their
social contacts; no social endeavor was sanctioned unless it
had the religious flavoring of the synagogue; it was not
thought irreverent to use it for all kinds of announcements
lost and stolen articles, claims and grievances, new ordinances
and regulations which by non-Jews were ordinarily an-
nounced in the public squares and market places ; from the
synagogue charity was dispensed, orphans and widows were
relieved, dowries were provided for poor girls, personal
service was given. Until the eighteenth century the syna-
gogue stood out as the most notable institution of Judaism.
As a focal center for the community it contributed as much
as any other factor toward the unified endurance of Judaism.

Rabbinic Judaism had the power to live on. Both the
theoretic basis and the outward practice were such as to en-
able the religion to persevere anywhere, under any conditions
and indeed to grow.

If the test of religion consists in what it accomplishes to-
wards enriching the individual lives of each generation, then
Rabbinic Judaism was outstandingly successful in the lives of
many generations of Jews throughout the Middle Ages.

CHAPTER III

HOW A RELIGION FACES THE FUTURE
[CONTEMPORARY JUDAISM]

I. THE HEDGE AND THE GATE

IN rural England it is a favorite custom to erect a gate and
railing to surround one's home and to plant a hedge adjacent
to the railing and continuous with it. This arrangement of
parallel barriers resembles the double fence which enclosed
Rabbinic Judaism. The regulative ramifications which the
rabbis planted about the Torah were the hedge, and the
ghetto walls which the gentile world built about the Jew were
the railings. The rabbinic hedge and the ghetto gates both
confined the Jew to a unified and autonomous religious life
which remained almost unchanged for a period of sixteen
hundred years.

A satisfying religious life it was. No outside influence
could creep in to instigate discontent. The two-fold barrier
was there, encasing the Jewish community, shielding it from
foreign causation. Nothing short of certified truth the rab-
bis offered with the Bible and their enlargement upon the
Bible. It was revealed truth, the word of God. Though all
else crumble, this remains, to guide man's every step in the
path of life. The Renaissance carried within itself those
forces which might upset this all-encompassing, wholly satis-
fying rabbinic religion. No fear of that, so long as the
ghetto gates reinforced the rabbinic hedge. How could the
disturbing doctrines of the reawakened Humanism disturb
the Jew if they could not reach him within the walls of the
ghetto ?

Here and there, now and then, a Jew vaulted over the
ghetto gates and he immediately found himself outside the

262

HASIDIM AND MITNAGGEDIM 263

hedge as well. So it had been with Spinoza. Not all
the Jews had it in them to vault the barrier. As long as
the gates remained, the hedge would likewise remain intact.
But what if the gates were removed ? Would the hedge then
be trampled down in the stampede to break loose ?

2. WITHIN THE HEDGE: HASIDIM AND MITNAGGEDIM

IN those countries, of course, where the ghetto gates were
carefully guarded this likelihood did not enter. In the popu-
lous Jewish centers of Russia, Poland, Lithuania, Galicia,
Roumania, Rabbinic Judaism as prescribed in the Shulhan
Aruk prevailed. In these countries, if Rabbinic Judaism
threatened to become too dry or too formal or too scholastic,
that did not result in an attempt to overthrow it. Rather did
it call forth an emotional urge to supplement it with the
needed tonic of mystical experience. The tonic effects of
mysticism in religion brought vigor to the Judaism of the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. That revival of Jewish
mysticism is known as Hasidism.

Hasidism goes back to the Cabala, particularly to Isaac
Luria's exposition of it, for much of its system. Primarily,
though, Hasidism is more an enthusiasm than a system.
Israel Baal Shem Tob (1700-1760) Besht for short was
the innovator of this modern enthusiastic mysticism. Even
as a child, to lose himself in a forest and to feel the exhilaration
of mother nature he preferred to the stodgy brilliance of the
Talmudic classroom. But he was an orphan, and for an
orphan life all too soon imposes serious obligations. At the
age of twelve, Besht took on work as an assistant to a Hebrew
teacher and it was his duty, among other things, to conduct
the children to the synagogue and there to intone the prayers
with them. His own study he carried on in the still of the
night, secretly. Secretly, because he despised the airs of
superiority the learned assumed; to avoid the slightest sus-
picion of intellectual ostentation he did everything in his
power to create the impression of honest simplicity. This
deliberate concealment of intelligence was so successfully

264 THUS RELIGION GROWS

accomplished that, after marriage, his newly acquired brother-
in-law was truly grieved by Besht's seeming lack of learning
and, to avoid family disgrace, packed the young couple off.
The ejected couple selected a site in the Carpathians. There
Besht toiled at digging lime and his wife carted it to town.
Thus Besht earned his livelihood, an honest one at all events.
And, indeed, it brought him close to his beloved nature.

Living among the peasants, Besht acquired a knowledge of
the healing herbs. His efficacious prescriptions and amulets
brought him fame as a healer of the sick. It was in that way
that he won the coveted designation, Baal Shem Tob Master
of the Good Name, one who effects miraculous cures in the
name of God. No miracle worker was he, no charlatan nor
medicine man. Messianic pretensions did not turn his head,
as they did Sabbatai's ; they did not as much as enter his head.
His real goal was to heal the souls of his people. He knew
what was lacking. Spirituality had become spiritless. Too
much intellect and not enough emotion. What was the sim-
ple soul to do, who had no learning, who could not penetrate
the pages of the Talmud, and yet who wanted to experience
God in life ? Baal Shem Tob could show the way to God.

From all over Galicia people journeyed to this great per-
sonality for advice. Simple folk drank in his cheer and
comfort. In this manner, in the final eleven years of his life,
Besht laid the foundations of the Hasidic movement. He
wrote no books. Mainly through his epigrams and his para-
bles, as collected by his disciples, can we discern his teachings.
True, he could hold his own against any of the contemporary
Talmudists, but Besht was neither a trained theologian nor
what is generally known as a philosopher. Rather through
his personality did he teach and is not that the most telling
means of bringing religion into human lives ? What is more
compelling than the example of a living hero ?

The whole emphasis of Hasidism is on "inward" religion.
God is present everywhere. He dwells in the heart of man
and in every object, no matter how trivial or inconsequential
it appears. The world is full of God's vitality and spirit.
Everything is part of God. There can be no separation of

HASIDIM AND MITNAGGEDIM 265

matter from spirit. Everything that occurs is from God.
Everything that occurs is for the best that is God's provi-
dence.

Man must strive constantly to hold communion with God.
He must pull away the veil which divides man from God :
the two must merge. This communion is brought about in
a special manner, through prayer. Not ordinary formal
prayer, but prayer charged with ecstatic fervor. Heated
prayer burning up with prayer ("hitlahabut") nothing
less will do. Concentration on the thought of joining with
God must be so intense as to make one forget that he has a
body. That takes effort. If necessary, the familiar means of
mechanical stimulation should be employed : closing the eyes,
swaying the body, dancing, singing, shouting. Never mind
the grins of onlookers. By means of prayer, man effects
changes in all the universe. So necessary is prayer that man's
ability to keep alive without prayer is nothing short of mirac-
ulous. Equally miraculous is the recuperative power of the
soul to survive the tremendous intensity of communion with
God.

There is no single stereotyped technique in the worship of
God. Whatever means one has at his disposal he should use.
One need not be a sage to pray. Besht tells of an ignorant
shepherd lad who, when taken to the synagogue on the holi-
est day of the religious year, was overcome with an urge to
open his heart to God, but he was not sufficiently learned to
pray. He had to do something. In the crowded synagogue,
during the hush of an awesome moment, the lad could no
longer restrain himself. From his pocket he yanked out a
reed-pipe ; he put it to his lips and on it he sounded a shrill
blast. Consternation swept through the entire congregation
all but Besht. "This impulsive act," he defended, "took
the place of prayer. The simple lad served God in the only
way he knew. God wants the devotion of the heart ; to Him
this tune was more acceptable than formal prayer."

Humility is a desirable virtue, but no one should feel that
he is so lowly that God will not stoop to listen to his prayer.
At any time, in any place, the Almighty will hearken to

266 THUS RELIGION GROWS

prayer. Even in a room filled with people, a man can feel
that he is alone with his God. Concentration on his devo-
tion to the divine is all that is necessary. So valuable is the
ability to concentrate that it would be well for man to exer-
cise the power of concentration each and every day on some
one thought.

Not only in prayer, but in every smallest performance
man worships God. This is necessarily so, since God is
present even in the most trivial object. When eating and
drinking one may sense the presence of the divine ; the table
is an altar to God. The synagogue is the most appropriate
place, therefore, to partake of the sanctified Sabbath after-
noon meal, sanctified through comradeship and the joyous
chanting of Psalms. "Serve the Lord with gladness," re-
ceives a new emphasis in Hasidism ; this oft-repeated emphasis
on joy in worship is in decided opposition to Luria's Cabalistic
advocacy of doleful castigation. From the standpoint of
Hasidism, one should refrain from tears, unless they be tears
of joy. Life is bright and happy because God pervades it :
life should be thoroughly enjoyed.

Whatever evil there is, is man-made. When God created
the world He saw that it was good. Therefore, whoever
deprecates this world is sadly in error : it is for him to learn
how to use properly the opportunities in life. This is to be
learned not exclusively from the Torah, but from life itself.
Anything can be learned from everything. All experiences,
pain and suffering even, are God's messengers carrying a
special message to the human mind. As one who knows a
king intimately and all his characteristics will recognize him
even when the king is disguised, so one who knows God will
find Him in all forms yes, present in scoffers and heretics
too. Even the basest of souls may still harbor the one vital
spark of divinity; until this last spark is extinguished, there
is hope.

The other extreme, the extreme of constant saintliness and
attachment to God, produces a new type of person a higher
form of creation the Zaddik. He possesses the gift of
prophecy and the influence to obtain miracles. Not through

HASIDIM AND MITNAGGEDIM 267

learning but through prayer and mental concentration on
God does he achieve his greatness. To achieve perfection in
prayer and mental concentration is a full-time occupation.
The ordinary individual must spend his time earning a living.
Therefore, if a saintly man does devote himself completely to
the supreme aim of life concentrated communion he
should be released from life's ordinary occupations, through
the generosity of the community. It is in the power of the
saintly Zaddik, and in his power alone, through his talk and
action to raise the rank and file of Hasidim to a higher level.
It is in his power, too, to intervene with nature in behalf of
his people so as to wrest from nature her miraculous cures.

These teachings of Hasidism received fuller development
under Besht's numerous disciples. Jacob Joseph of Polon-
noye became its literary spokesman. At first a great Tal-
mudist, and a doubter so far as Hasidism was concerned, he
later joined the movement because of the possibilities he saw
in it. This transfer of allegiance meant a considerable sacri-
fice, the loss of two rabbinical positions and the scourge of
unpopularity, but the strength of his conviction endured it
all.

The more popular though less literary leader was Dob Baer
of Meseritz. He drew numerous disciples from Galicia and
southern Poland. As his contribution to the perpetuation of
the Hasidic movement, he took over the Sephardic prayer-
book of Isaac Luria, the ritual known as Nusah ha-Ari, and
adapted it for the devotees of Hasidism.

When the Hasidim had aroused determined opposition,
particularly in Lithuania where Talmudic study remained
popular and where anti-Hasidic Elijah, called the Gaon of
Wilna, enjoyed a tremendous influence, Shneor Zalman of
Liadi came to the fore as chief defender. In his defense,
Shneor Zalman sought to combine philosophic ideas with
Hasidism, to make it more rational and more speculative, as a
corrective to the southern distortion of the movement which
came to consider the Zaddik a miracle-man instead of a reli-
gious teacher. The term "Habad" is symbolic of the three
Hebrew words meaning "wisdom, understanding, knowl-

268 THUS RELIGION GROWS

edge," and therefore this intellectual branch of Hasidism was
designated as Habad. Further in the direction of combining
mysticism with traditional study, Shneor Zalman added to the
Shulhan Aruk the accepted code of orthodoxy the ideas
of Cabalism and Hasidism, and this combination he published
in a book which the Hasidim took as their authoritative reli-
gious guide in place of the unadorned Shulhan Aruk.

Mitnaggedim ("opponents") was the name given the anti-
Hasidim. The beloved Wilna Gaon, Elijah (1720-1797),
was the arch opponent. Judging the Hasidim as no better
than strayed followers of Sabbatai, he in 1772 proclaimed a
ban against them. This led to attack and counter-attack, and
consolidated the Hasidic adherents. In 1781 the ban was
reissued with greater vigor, and copies of a Hasidic book
which accused the rabbis of lacking spirituality, because of
the blinding, dialectic Pilpul, were publicly burned. Impas-
sioned episodes grew out of the struggle, particularly after the
time Poland was divided up and a large share was placed
under the Czar's rule. On two occasions Shneor Zalman was
arrested, but a Russian uprising and a change of dynasty gave
him his freedom.

In 1804 Hasidism was permitted by law in Russia, and
that was the signal for the followers to erect their own syna-
gogues and to organize their own communal life. They
made great headway in southern Poland and Galicia. But
also, in the height of its power, Hasidism went wrong. The
Zaddikim had made a business of it. They demanded ex-
travagant fees for their miraculous cures and with the income
thus derived they paraded a great show of splendor, sur-
rounding themselves with an entire entourage. The more
sincere leaders of Hasidism naturally objected. A great
grandson of Besht, Nahman of Bratzlaw, realized that many
of the Zaddikim gained a following on their reputation rather
than on real achievement. "Satan knew how hard it was to
lead people astray all by himself," he said, "so he set up Zad-
dikim to help him." But the decay which had set itself up in
the movement could not be allayed.

The nineteenth century saw only deterioration in the Hasi-

AN ATTACK UPON THE GATES 269

die movement. True, it had brought joy and spirituality
into the drab and gloomy life of East European Jewry, but
the exaggeration of some of the teachings, especially a distor-
tion of the concept of the Zaddik, proved the nemesis of
Hasidism. It had become increasingly necessary to resort to
artificial means to stimulate ecstasy. Among the ignorant,
ignorance had been made a virtue. Deterioration indeed !
But greater than the internal breakdown of Hasidism was the
external pressure to which it was subjected towards the end
of the nineteenth century and during the twentieth century.
The Hasidim as well as the Mitnaggedim, both were con-
fronted by the challenge of a new heaven and a new earth.

3. AN ATTACK UPON THE GATES

IN Western Europe and in America the gates of the ghetto
had already been opened up. These barriers removed, the
full effect of modernism and Humanism was rapidly invading
the Jewish community.

'So long as the gates remained closed and firmly locked there
was no danger to the Talmudic hedge. Signs that the gates
of the ghetto were destined to be opened made their appear-
ance during the second half of the seventeenth century.
(In the history of the Jew, it was the eighteenth century that
brought the delayed closing of the Middle Ages.) In Hol-
land, England and Turkey, there was tolerance; in the
Germanic countries, in France, in Spain, there was persecu-
tion. But from then on pogroms appeared less frequently in
Western Europe, tolerance extended its boundaries, Jewish
culture began to revive.

What were the causes? The non-Jewish world was
changing its attitude to the Jew. Enlightened people were
being impressed by his very survival. They called the Jew :
"The Divine Miracle." To have survived so long and in the
face of such obstacles here was the miraculous working of
the divine. Book-men who read that marvel in the history
of the Jew pleaded for a better treatment of the Jew.

In addition, Christians began to study Hebrew literature.

2 7 o THUS RELIGION GROWS

Some did this to attack the Jew and Judaism, but many more
had developed a keen appreciation for the Hebrew language
and literature, which they undertook to translate into Latin
and French. A Dutch scholar, Willem Surenhuis, translated
the entire Mishnah with the commentaries of Maimonides and
Bertinoro into Latin ; it was his intention to translate all of
the rabbinic literature, an understanding of which seemed to
him necessary for a better understanding of the New Testa-
ment. A French Protestant, Jacob Christian Basnage, wrote
the "History and Religion of the Jews from Jesus to the
Present Day to Supplement Josephus and Continue it to the
Present Day," in which he presented a sympathetic view of
the life and vicissitudes of the Jew. Johann C. Wolf, pro-
fessor of oriental languages at Hamburg, composed four vol-
umes of the Bibliotheca Hebraica. Other Christian scholars
described Jewish customs, Jewish ceremonies, synagogue
Services. The age of Humanism had set in, its effects reach-
ing into every department of human relations, including those
of Jew and non-Jew.

The enlightened attitude was making itself felt by the be-
ginning of the eighteenth century. The matter of removing
the barriers of the ghetto was, however, a slow and exasper-
ating affair; therefore, ambitious Jews were driven to the
alternative of vaulting over the gates of the ghetto as the one
means of entering the post-Renaissance culture. That was
the problem of that age. It is personified in the outstanding
man of the age, the man whose name has been taken to char-
acterize the period as the Mendelssohnian period.

Born in a family which, although poor, claimed the aris-
tocracy of learning, Moses Mendelssohn (1729-1786) was
sure to receive in childhood a thorough Hebrew education,
that solid grounding which is indispensable for achievement in
Judaism. At the age of fourteen, when his teacher David
Frankel was called to Berlin as rabbi, Moses followed, there
to continue his studies. In Berlin the adolescent student
found the very stimulus, cultural and intellectual, which was
to him the realization of the dream of his young life. Cher-
ished intellectual friendships rewarded his many years of

AN ATTACK UPON THE GATES 271

struggle as tutor, book-keeper, merchant. What was it
not worth to become intimate with Lessing, the Christian;
Lessing, the Humanist, the advocate of tolerance, of freedom
and of opportunity for the Jew: Lessing, who wrote "Die
Juden," the comedy of a Jew who saves a Christian nobleman
from the attack of robbers, who when brought to the noble-
man's home and there falls in love with the daughter re-
veals his Jewishness and astounds the nobleman that Jews can
be kind. Without Mendelssohn's knowledge, Lessing
printed the former's anonymous "Philosophical Discourses."
A friend, indeed ! Having been thus pushed into the sea of
literary activity, Mendelssohn found the experience exhilarat-
ing. He joined the swim and he made quite a splash. Peo-
ple began to talk of the young Jew who wrote on esthetics
and philosophy, who had mastered the nuances of German
style. A marvel! His keenness in the finesse of German
literary style emboldened Mendelssohn to criticize the Prus-
sian King, Frederick the Great, for having written a group
of poems in French, and not in German. Worthy of men-
tion is Mendelssohn's book "Phaedon," modelled after Plato,
in attractively popular style, written as a defense against the
rationalism of his generation which mocked at the idea of the
immortality of the soul.

It is noteworthy that, despite his deep Hebraic training,
Mendelssohn had as yet done nothing specifically Jewish :
only a short commentary, in good Hebrew, on one of Mai-
monides' lesser works. Not until personally challenged did
he put into print his Jewish views. The challenge came
from Lavater, a Protestant clergyman of Switzerland. He,
having been impressed by Mendelssohn, sent him his German
translation of a French book which set out to offer proofs
for Christianity ; included in the book was an open letter in-
viting him to disprove the proofs, or if unable to do so
to accept Christianity. This disturbed Mendelssohn. Dis-
putes, flirting with animosity, were not to his taste. But he
could not escape the obligation of a reply. As a precaution,
he first solicited the censor's promise that whatever he wrote
in rejoinder would not be suppressed. Then he published his

272 THUS RELIGION GROWS

reply, a calm and dignified letter insisting on unshaken belief
in his own religion : he had analyzed Judaism carefully and
had found it satisfactory ; had it not satisfied him he would
have deserted it, seeing that one must suffer persecution to
remain a Jew. The challenge excited Mendelssohn to the
extent of injuring his health to Lavater's great regret but
once his health improved he devoted himself to Jewish affairs.

Mendelssohn translated the Pentateuch into German.
Nothing revolutionary is there in that. Yet, although he ad-
hered strictly to the traditional interpretation, a number of
the older and rather conservative rabbis opposed it. They
proclaimed a ban against it. Why? Because they feared
that a German translation would lead the Jews astray.
Mendelssohn stoutly defended the translation. Originally
he had made it for the private benefit of his children. In its
wider publication, he hoped that it would provide the Jew
with a key which would unlock the doors of the Western
European, rapidly growing, modern culture. The Bible, the
Jews knew well enough. But they had inadequate knowl-
edge of the German language (the language of the great
literature of that day), instead of which they spoke a mongrel
German, the despised Yiddish. The original Hebrew of the
Bible they already knew: therefore the alert Jews of Ger-
many were in a position to learn the classical German through
Mendelssohn's translation which was written in the Hebrew
lettering. Ordinarily, a translation serves the purpose of
acquainting one with the original tongue, but in this instance
the very reverse was the object in view and the result
achieved. The Bible served as a text-book to the German
language!

"Jerusalem" (1783) is the title of the book for which
Mendelssohn is best known in the history of Judaism. It
constitutes a classic retort to a church challenge of the reli-
gious authority of Judaism. In this philosophical publication,
echoes of which reach into the twentieth century, Mendels-
sohn demands the freedom of conscience and the separation
of church and state. "Jerusalem" carries on the thought of
Spinoza's "Tractatus Theologico-Politicus" which in turn is

AN ATTACK UPON THE GATES 273

based on Crescas' "Or Adonai" with the same problem.
The state, he argues, regulates social relations, but the rela-
tions between God and man should be left to the conscience
of man the voice of God in man and not to be enforced
by a church. This is the philosophy of natural religion.

In line with Spinoza, the argument leads Mendelssohn to
the statement that Judaism has no dogmas. There are the
fundamentals of religion, the eternal truths which need no
revelation because they can be learned through human reason
and through nature ; and (not in line with Spinoza) there are
the temporal truths which are based on the historic evidence
of God's revelation to Moses the specific legislation.
Judaism has no dogmas. Whatever seem to be dogmas in
Jewish literature cannot be more than the opinions of indi-
viduals. One may deny some essentials and still be a good
Jew. The words used by Maimonides "ani ma'amin" are
not indicative of dogma, do not mean "I believe," but rather
"I recognize als richtig und voahr" Judaism is based on rea-
son. Essentially, the Bible allows freedom of thought. All
that is required is proper action, action in obedience to the
revealed laws of the Bible. The Bible commands : "do" not
"believe." The spirit of Judaism demands conformity in per-
formance. The whole essence of Judaism is ceremonial law,
whose purpose it is to preserve a natural religion that is free
from idolatry. The natural ethical law applies to all, but the
ceremonial law is limited to Judaism. Ceremonial law is the
link combining law with life. At first the written laws were
few, and the unwritten laws were for the purpose of creating
a closer attachment between the teachers and the people.
God Himself created the ceremonial laws ; how can a mere
mortal change them ? We may not fathom the reasons for
some of these laws, but where has God indicated that these
laws can be changed ? Mendelssohn thus endeavored to har-
monize his philosophical views with the ceremonial laws of
Judaism.

"Jerusalem" makes clear that the original Mosaic govern-
ment did not represent a union of state and religion, for at
that time state and religion were one. Every crime against

274 THUS RELIGION GROWS

the state was a crime against the law of God. Whoever
publicly desecrated the Sabbath, acted against the principles
of the state. There were no heresies, therefore, but only
crimes against the state. Nor was there religious punish-
ment or penance. On the basis of this appeal for the separa-
tion of church and state (an appeal which registered strongly
with Kant), the argument proceeds with an advocacy for
religious toleration. If the Jew were obliged to give up his
ceremonial laws as a condition for the granting of Jewish
civic rights, then he must forsake political emancipation.
But then, of what good to the state are citizens without cul-
ture and without character, citizens who relinquish what is
their own distinctive contribution ? The appeal to Christian
Europe not to insist on religious unity did greatly influence
some of the leaders. Count Mirabeau, of French Revolution
fame, thought the book should be translated so that the rulers
might learn tolerance.

If liberals viewed the book with satisfaction it is natural to
expect that reactionaries would attack it, especially those con-
servative theologians who fought for the continued union
of church and state. Orthodox Jews, too, attacked the book,
their complaint being its theistic philosophy. Liberal Jews
of a later day criticized it for its emphasis on ceremonial law.
That, however, was acceptable to the Orthodox. But it was
in the emphasis on freedom of thought that Jews of liberal
tendencies found worth and encouragement. Mendelssohn
pleased all, and yet none, for history designated him as the
first to grapple with the huge assignment of adjusting Judaism
to modernity (or of adjusting modernity to Judaism), an as-
signment which has not been completed even in the century
and a half which have gone by since Mendelssohn's day.

4. VAULTING OVER THE GATES

IN the generation which followed Mendelssohn there was a
decided desertion from traditional Judaism, and to an extent
Mendelssohn was held responsible. His position must, how-
ever, be understood in the light of the times. He had been

VAULTING OVER THE GATES 275

importuned, without success, to join Christianity. Therefore
he had to stress the importance of the ceremonial law which
is the part of the religion that is distinctly Jewish. Also, he
had his eye on those who would want to secure professional
and social emancipation by embracing Christianity, who were
ready to seize the first opportunity to vault over the gates of
the ghetto, even if it meant leaping over the rabbinic hedge
as well. The fact remains that at heart Mendelssohn was
a Jew. And yet his own children were baptized into the
Christian faith. The burden of blame must be placed upon
the disparity between the great educational and cultural op-
portunities of that period and the heart-breaking restrictions
clamping down the chances of Jewish participation. One
must also take into account the spirit of the age, the spirit of
rationalism which weakened ceremonialism, that very spirit
against which Mendelssohn contended. Mendelssohn pro-
tested that a statement acknowledging that one is a Jew, with-
out assuming any further responsibility, was not enough, that
what was essential was the observance of certain minimum
Jewish practices the ceremonials.

Whatever influence to the good Mendelssohn exerted made
itself felt in two directions. First, through the classic quality
of his writings he brought to the Jews the respect of the lead-
ers of European culture. Secondly, he gave to young Jews
an incentive to acquire modern knowledge, to remain Jewish
and yet forsake the seclusion of the ghetto. This latter in-
fluence led to the Berlin Haskalah, whose slogan it was,
"Be a Jew at home; but a man in the world." Unfortu-
nately, when carried to extremes the Haskalah movement
opened the way for an outbreak of apostasy. To certain of
the young Jewish intellectuals who had become fascinated by
non-Jewish lore Judaism completely lost all its attractiveness.
Why then suffer for it? The youth of the German, Aus-
trian, Polish and Lithuanian Jewries came under that Men-
delssohnian influence ; but a few generations later, under the
influence of nationalism, the same Maskilim (personnel of the
Haskalah) turned against Mendelssohn.

Mendelssohn had no disciples, in the ordinary sense of the

276 THUS RELIGION GROWS

term. His vocation was not teaching; he was a merchant.
Scholarship was rather his hobby. On the Sabbath and Fes-
tivals young, intellectual Jews would gather in his home to
discuss philosophical and literary subjects. He acted as ref-
eree, and by looking up interestedly he would encourage
sensible talk, but when nonsense was offered he kept his head
down as a visible indication that no favorable impression was
being registered.

In the wider sense of discipleship, then, four or five names
may be mentioned. David Friedlander (1750-1834) should
receive mention. He married into a rich Berlin family and
was primarily a business man. To his credit be it said that
he took a cultured interest in Judaism, even if it was super-
ficial. To him Mendelssohn was the greatest sage in the
world. Mendelssohn's ideas of natural and historical reli-
gion he swallowed with one gulp. As one may imagine, it
was easier to swallow those ideas than to digest them.

After the death of his inspiration, Mendelssohn, he grew
lax in the observance of the ceremonial law. That made him
more comfortable. He saw no reason to remain a Jew at the
cost of enfranchisement. Having applied for special priv-
ileges of citizenship for himself and his family only to be
refused, he lost hope for the full emancipation of the Jew.
Therefore, as representative of a group of like-minded as-
pirants, he wrote an open letter to a Protestant clergyman,
Teller, offering to accept Christianity. In the letter he
characterized his own religion as old-fashioned and full of
mysticism, which was illogical for those enlightened days.
He made only one condition in his offer, that he become
a Christian without having to accept Jesus as the Son of
God, without having to attend church and to other require-
ments of Christianity. Had not Mendelssohn taught freedom
in creed? The clergyman Teller, a man of character and
conviction, politely refused the offer and politely advised
Friedlander and his following to remain Jews ; that if Judaism
displeased them they should reform it, not desert it; that
Christianity does not want converts who do not believe in the
Christian creed. Thus rejected, Friedlander remained a Jew

VAULTING OVER THE GATES 277

(although his children found acceptance in Christianity),
and he always defended, after this, the Jewish cause and de-
voted a good part of his wealth to the struggle for the educa-
tional and civic emancipation of the Jew.

Marcus Herz (1747-1803), the son of a poor Berlin "sofer"
(scribe), was another of the newly emancipated Jews.
With his sharp mind he studied medicine and philosophy and
became one of the first to popularize Kant's philosophy. As
a physician in Berlin, rich and witty, he made his home the
meeting-place for the illustrious of cultured and scientific
Berlin. At his home one would come across Hegel, Schleier-
macher. But this mingling of Jews and Christians in those
disenfranchised days was liable to induce wholesale apostasy.
In the instance of Marcus Herz we know that when death
removed him from the family circle his widow (after her
mother's demise) fled to Christianity and thus escaped the
unbearably oppressive confines of the ghetto. Judaism did
not seem to have anything to offer : at best, it was obsolete ;
at worst, it was a jail, through whose windows one could
catch the tantalizing glimpse of the finesse and splendor of
the world beyond the ghetto gates.

Another enthusiastic Kantian, in Vienna and then in
Berlin, was Lazarus Bendavid (1762-1832). In a book
of his he shows which way the wind was blowing, by
opposing legalistic Judaism and stressing the ethical side of
Judaism.

Solomon Maimon (1754-1800), an intellectual tragedy, a
thwarted genius, is another specimen of that abnormal period
in the history of Judaism. Poverty in a Lithuanian village
robbed him of a systematic training in his youth. Had the
Jew been accorded his normal place in the modern world,
had the doors of the universities been open to Solomon, there
is no telling what heights of intellectual achievement he might
have reached. As evidence of his native brilliance it is said
that at the age of seven he picked up a Hebrew book on
astronomy and mastered it. At the age of eleven he was a
married man. His father had thought to capitalize on the
son's brilliance with a fortuitous marriage, but Solomon's

278 THUS RELIGION GROWS

amazon of a mother-in-law supported him for only six months
instead of the promised six years, and even in those six months
many dishes were broken in an exchange of temper. Fortu-
nately, Solomon was a resourceful lad. He could earn his
own independent living as teacher of Hebrew. More than
all else, this prodigy hungered for knowledge. Hebrew and

L OJ O D

religion he already knew. It was secular knowledge that he
now craved. He could not afford to pay for instruction.
But where there is a will there is a way. At the age of six-
teen, he found the way. He knew that it was first necessary
to comprehend the German language, the language of the
scientific and cultural literature. How do that? Not a
single letter of the German alphabet could he read it was
all so unlike the Hebrew alphabet and lettering. He remem-
bered, though, that the pages of a printed Hebrew volume
were numbered with both the Hebrew and German letters,
and by comparing the two he learned the German alphabet.
Before long he was deep in German literature !

What did those painstaking secular studies lead to ? They
turned Solomon Maimon into a skeptic. He lost his belief
in God. To continue to teach the Talmud and other He-
brew subjects in which he no longer believed was more than
he could endure, so that at the age of twenty-three he de-
serted his wife and children and smuggled himself into
Germany, there to study medicine. In Germany his un-
Germanic manners and ridiculed Lithuanian accent militated
against him and against the recognition of his capabilities.
His poverty did not add to his popularity, nor did his ra-
tionalism. While in Berlin, his ability brought him under
Mendelssohn's attention, but that did not get him anywhere.
After a futile attempt of three years to become a druggist
he left for Holland, thence to Hamburg. So he wandered
on, making friends and losing them. Even when death ended
his wanderings, the community refused him decent burial
because of his heresy. Heresy was not his worst offence.
The lack of etiquette, that was the tragedy. The Lithuanian
ghetto clung to him. The bridge between the medieval and
the modern for the Jew was just then being constructed and

VAULTING OVER THE GATES 279

this sad figure stood with his feet rooted in the medieval while
his head leaned over to the modern.

All in all, Solomon Maimon had written eleven books and
twenty-five articles, not counting those manuscripts which
were disgracefully destroyed at his funeral. As great an
authority as Kant himself had recognized the brilliance of
Maimon's criticism of the Kantian philosophy. Maimon was
ahead of his day when he taught that God is the ideal of the
idea of the most perfect being, the combination of all per-
fection, an ideal for us to imitate, although we can never
reach it ; to take any other for imitation is idolatry.

Further in tracing the Mendelssohnian reverberations, it is
necessary to call attention to a group of young men, inspired
by him, who are identified as the -Meassefim, because of the
periodical, Ha-Meassef ("the gatherer"), to which these intel-
lectuals contributed Hebrew and German articles. Ha-
Meassef magazine was founded and edited by Isaac Euchel
of Koenigsberg in 1783. In its subsequent development it
made its appearance in Berlin, then in Breslau. Its policy was
to combine the old and the new, to take the conservative
middle course between the extreme of orthodoxy and the
radicalism of the rationalists who were none too reluctant to
make the leap to Christianity for ulterior purposes. The
Meassefim knew well the Jewish and Talmudic literature
but also the modern subjects did they command and so
this first Jewish periodical of the modern age proved exceed-
ingly effective in disseminating modern literature and modern
thought amongst the elect Jews of the new era. The articles
were written in Hebrew : Hebrew was the necessary medium
of expression until German would become more widely com-
prehensible to the Jewish readers. To express modern terms
in the Biblical Hebrew was no easy assignment but the
Meassefim earnestly applied themselves to the task of accom-
modating the ancient phrases to the modern requirements.
They thus effected a twofold accomplishment. While help-
ing to end the isolation of the self-contained ghetto life, they
at the same time revived Hebrew and adapted it as a secular
tongue.

2 8o THUS RELIGION GROWS

The content and method of modern occidental education
were invading the precincts of Jewish life, reaching into the
traditional religion with drastic penetration. A Berlin Free
School for Jews, established by David Friedlander in 1778,
provided secular as well as Jewish education and thus differed
from the old type of "heder" which had confined itself to
Biblical and rabbinic literature. The printing press of the
school published important volumes. From 1781 to 1791
more than five hundred students here received the wider scope
of instruction. From amongst those graduates came the
nucleus of the Berlin Haskalah. With the passing of the
years, Jewish subjects were gradually crowded out and only
secular subjects remained. Unfortunately, the spirit of
Haskalah involved too much negation of the heroic past of
the Jews. There was too much scoffing. There was too
much haste to surrender to the environment. Jewish history
and literature were not sufficiently appreciated. The enthu-
siasm of intellectual youth was misdirected. The followers
of Haskalah and the followers of the orthodox religion drifted
apart. That was an inevitable result. Inasmuch as the or-
thodox were in the control of the communal institutions, the
Maskilim organized themselves (in 1792) into a Society of
Friends to help one another in time of need. Then, when
the iron rule of Frederick the Great was relaxed, many of the
Jewish intellectuals slipped away entirely from Judaism.

From the Jewish standpoint conditions were most unsatis-
factory. The whole situation was lopsided. Here was a fine
grouping of Jews, of keen intelligence, able to read German,
gifted for the professions, eager to join in the cultured circles
of the day, eager to contribute to the reawakening of Euro-
pean civilization. But how realize these worthy ambitions ?
As far as Europe was concerned, Jews were not even citizens
of the nations in which they lived, in which their forbears of
many generations had lived and died. They did not belong.
Of what avail the intelligence or education, the talents or
desires? They would be permitted to proceed only so far,
and not a step further. They were Jews! Should they
acknowledge the Christian faith, that would be another mat-

OPENING OF THE GHETTO GATES 281

ter. Then could they enjoy full participation in careers and
professions. Only then!

It is not altogether surprising, in view of the terrible alterna-
tive, that quite a number of those who had suffered the
tortures of Tantalus decided upon an escape through Chris-
tianity. To most of them the matter of conversion was a
formality, bereft of intrinsic significance. Had their Judaism
been their guide in life, the motivating force in their thoughts
and deeds, they might have found the act of conversion im-
possible of consummation and in certain instances that was
the case but in the main those intellectuals felt that their
religion was dispensable, that Judaism as they knew it was out
of accord with the times, that it certainly did not justify the
personal sacrifice demanded in remaining a Jew. These are
the ones who with one leap vaulted over the gates as well as
the hedge of the ghetto.

5. OPENING OF THE GHETTO GATES

THE time arrived to open the gates. At long last, the world
was ready to grant the Jew emancipation political, civil,
economic, professional, educational, social. It did not come
easily.

The United States of America was the first of all the
modern nations of the world to grant the Jew equality. "We
hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness" those immortal words so dear to lovers
of humanity those words the American Declaration of Inde-
pendence of 1776 pronounced as a self-evident truth.

The Constitution of the new nation, finally accepted in
1790, discountenanced any religious test as requisite in quali-
fying for any office. The First Amendment to the Constitu-
tion, adopted the following year, made clear in America the
separation between church and state, while upholding the
right to the free exercise of religion. Only in the State of
Maryland was there an exception with regard to the eligibility

282 THUS RELIGION GROWS

to office and this disability was removed in 1825. Other than
this one exception,* emancipation officially came to the Jews
of America with the establishment of the United States of
America. To the "sweet land of liberty" thousands and hun-
dreds of thousands of Jews migrated, until America had
become in the twentieth century the most populous and the
most enterprising center of Jewish activity.

In the eighteenth century, however, the Jewish population
in the western hemisphere was relatively slight. At that time,
the countries of Europe harbored the great majority of the
million souls to whom was entrusted the destiny of Judaism.
The immediate future of the religion was dependent upon the
European setting. There, Jews were still regarded as aliens.
In the best of circumstances, they were shown a measure of
toleration. A few rights were thrown in, now and then, to
enable them to live. In Holland and England they had
more rights ; in Germany and Austria, fewer. It was always
a matter of asking for rights : a matter of toleration, but no
equality: a matter of more or less. How could the Jews
enjoy equality if the gentiles themselves were not equals?
The whole political organization of Europe had to be revolu-
tionized.

In 1781 the young Christian scholar Wilhelm Dohm wrote
a German book advocating the civic amelioration of the
Jewish position, arguing that there is not a thing to prevent
Jews from becoming good citizens, once given the privilege
of citizenship. To this literary appeal, presumably, there was
some response in Austria. That year, Emperor Joseph the
Second issued an Edict of Toleration for the Jews, increasing
the scope of their rights. The universities opened to the
Jews their carefully guarded doors. But there was a "catch"
in the Edict. It seems to have had as its basic purpose the
nationalistic policy of Germanizing the state. It ordered that
all heders be abolished, in order that Jewish children study
none other than the German language. Unfeeling school
teachers mocked things Jewish. Jewish leaders soon sus-

* Although the Constitution of North Carolina enfranchised only Protes-
tants, that restriction was not enforced ; in 1868 it was entirely removed.

OPENING OF THE GHETTO GATES 283

pected in the Edict of "Toleration" efforts to weaken the
religion. Even these feeble beginnings of emancipation came
to an end when the successor of Joseph II proved to be a
hopeless reactionary.

It was the French Revolution of 1789 that brought to an
issue the democratic principle of equality. Yet, even after
the Revolution, during the first elections for the National
Assembly, there was manifest considerable reluctance in ap-
plying the status of equality to the Jewish population.
Therefore the Jewish question came up for debate in the
new French parliament. Among the liberal leaders who ad-
vocated equal rights as a matter of principle, Jews found
many friends : in particular, Count Mirabeau who apparently
was influenced by Wilhelm Dohm's pleas. In the National
Assembly the liberals won the decision that no one be perse-
cuted for his principles, even religious, provided that the
expression of those convictions does not contravene the social
order established by law. There was a readiness to accept
the fine theory but little eagerness to put it into practice, and
as for enforcing it the Assembly was just too busy! For
two years nothing happened.

Even so, the official acceptance of the goal as a plausible
and worthy one was in itself great encouragement to carry
on the fight for equality. The next move was made in the
form of a request that the Constitution specifically designate
the Jew as included in the equality law, for there were those
non-Jews who regarded the Jew as outside the law and re-
quiring special provision. Moreover, Jews themselves felt it
necessary to point out that they be classified as adherents of
a Jewish religion, and not as a separate nation by a nation
they meant a territorial entity, embracing those who live in
a certain district. These earnest efforts were finally re-
warded with the decree of September 27th, 1791, granting
to the Jews of France full and equal civic rights.

To enjoy the privilege of full citizenship meant relinquish-
ing the local autonomy so long exercised. The exchange
was gladly made. While vowing to remain loyal to Judaism,
the enfranchised Jews of France jubilantly determined to act

284 THUS RELIGION GROWS

as Frenchmen in all civic and political matters and to partici-
pate extensively in the modern culture. Unfortunately,
though, the dawn of emancipation coincided with the post-
Revolution years of terror and chaos. The Cult of Reason
turned the years 1793 and 1794 into a veritable nightmare
for organized religion. The synagogue, along with the
Catholic institutions, trembled under the force of the attack.
The newly-ordained ten-day week militated against Sabbath
observance ; in the city of Metz a Sefer Torah was wilfully
destroyed, denounced as a parchment containing "the laws of
the versatile swindler Moses" ; most of the Jewish ceremonials
were prohibited, with the exception of Passover which was
tolerated only because it enshrines the ideal of freedom.
There were, indeed, those Jews who could not escape the
fanatical iconoclasm of the moment and only too feverishly
deserted everything Jewish, as though that were demanded
as part of their allegiance to the state.

In rapid succession, the terrorism was overthrown in 1795,
the Directorate was succeeded by the Consulate of Napoleon,
and that, by the Napoleonic Empire which lasted from 1804
to 1815. Jewish rights were reaffirmed. But much damage
had to be repaired. Jewish emancipation, having coincided
with the terror and continuous warfare, did not have the
necessary breathing spell to adjust itself to the new liberties.
This serious disadvantage was largely responsible for the ugly
slander that was circulated against the Jew.

The unpleasantness which had arisen, especially the accusa-
tion of Jewish usury and foreclosure, led Napoleon Bonaparte
to give thought to the Jewish question. It was his idea to
quell the disturbance by restricting Jewish rights in some
degree, if only temporarily, especially in eastern France. For
consultation in this matter he summoned to Paris in 1806 an
Assembly of Jewish Notables, mostly laymen, to be chosen
by the various prefects. They were to advise him as to
whether Jews were capable of adapting themselves to French
citizenship, capable of observing the French law and conduct
and civil morality.

Napoleon appointed three commissioners to set the ques-

OPENING OF THE GHETTO GATES 285

tions and to intimate the sort of reply which the all-powerful
Napoleon expected. These commissioners were not par-
ticularly friendly to the Jews: unfeelingly, they scheduled
the first meeting for a Sabbath. The convention began, as
conventions have a habit of beginning, with laudatory oratory
praise for Napoleon and loyalty to France. As a reward,
the second session was opened by the Napoleonic commis-
sioner, Count Mole, with insinuations insulting to Jewish
conduct. Twelve questions he placed before the conference
for reply. To these, they replied that polygamy was not
practiced amongst Jews, except in the Orient ; that the Jew-
ish law allowed divorce, but that the Jewish law was not
valid if it disregarded the civil law; that the Jewish law
prohibiting intermarriage referred only to idolaters, such as
the Canaanites of old, but not to Monotheists still, a rabbi
could not solemnize that marriage between Jew and Christian
any more than a Catholic priest would sanction a union in
similar circumstances ; that the French Jews recognize their
fellow-Frenchmen as their brethren, and not strangers ; that
the conduct of a Jew toward a non-Jew is as scrupulous as that
toward his fellow- Jew; that France is their own country;
that they would defend their country; that they would be
ruled by the laws of France, not by those of their own
hitherto autonomous Bet Din; that the rabbi possesses no
autonomous power, it being his function to preach and his
authority to perform marriages and divorces, but only under
the control of the civil court ; that the Jewish law does not
prohibit certain occupations such as peasantry and warfare ;
that usury is contrary to Jewish law; and that usury from
non-Jews is no less contrary to Jewish law. These replies
satisfied Napoleon. Of course they satisfied him. They
should have satisfied him. Had he not made it painfully clear
that these were the replies he expected ?

Now for the stamp of authority: the authority of the
whole mass of Jews and the backing of the Talmud was
the next objective, in short, to convert these replies into re-
ligious doctrines. This Napoleon achieved in true Na-
poleonic fashion. A great Sanhedrin he summoned, a

286 THUS RELIGION GROWS

supreme Jewish tribunal, modeled after that of ancient Jeru-
salem. In four languages he issued a stirring appeal for all
Jews to participate. In accordance with the tradition of the
Sanhedrin, seventy members and a president were appointed.
Forty-six were rabbis; twenty-five, laymen. In 1807 the
Grand Sanhedrin met, "to sanction the resolutions of the
Assembly of Deputies," and this they did. They could not
do otherwise. The key decision was declared at the outset
that there are two phases of Judaism the religious and the
political or national and that, whereas the religious laws
are constant, those connected with the national life in
Palestine no longer functioned when that national autonomy
of Palestine ceased ; therefore the civil and political law
of the land wherein the Jew dwells is binding upon him.
This was a distinction of far-reaching consequences. As its
implications deepened, it created a division between two inter-
pretations of Judaism, one, wholly and solely religious ; the
other, religious plus the national, or national minus the
religious.

The immediate outcome of the Sanhedrin was far from
satisfactory. It was convened under duress and no happy
results could be expected, no matter how conciliatory the
Jewish leaders tried to be. It resulted in Napoleon's Infamous
Decree of 1808 which was calculated to ruin the honest
livelihood of numerous Jews, with insult added to the injury.
Napoleon, moreover, subdivided the Jews of his realm into
Consistories, one for every two thousand Jews, with a Grand
Rabbi in each. The purpose was not to facilitate religious
equality a likely assumption but to prepare the way for
the conscription of Jews into the French army.

Not until after Napoleon's star had set did the Jews of
France regain their equality. The Constitutional Charter
issued by King Louis XVIII in 1814 declared the equality of
all citizens and their religious freedom. But, after Napoleon's
overthrow, French Jewry ceased to play the prominent role
in Europe.

As everyone knows, though, the rise and fall of Napoleon
Bonaparte brought change and counter-change not alone to

OPENING OF THE GHETTO GATES 287

France but also to the surrounding territory which Napoleon
invaded. Moreover, even before Napoleon, the clamor of the
French Revolution for liberty, fraternity and equality rever-
berated from one end of Europe to the other, with inevitable
results. The statement has been made that when the walls
of the Bastille fell the walls of the ghetto fell as well, and the
statement is true to the extent that the French Revolution and
the succession of encouraging events stimulated Jewish eman-
cipation in the lands adjacent to France. In the quarter of a
century that followed, the Jewries of Western Europe
emerged from medievalism to modernity.

Holland (which included Belgium until 1830) was the
first to follow the example of France. In 1795, when under
the impetus of the French quest for liberty the Batavian
Republic was founded and the Constitution was drawn up,
the question of the Jewish rights presented itself. The Jewish
community of Holland, numbering fifty thousand, of whom
twenty thousand lived in Amsterdam, was a highly represent-
ative community cultured and prominent. Amongst the
leaders the proposed emancipation climaxed a sharp division
of opinion. Those who had become imbued with the free
spirit of the eighteenth century and the outlook of the Men-
delssohn school earnestly desired the boon of full citizenship.
They were in the minority. Arrayed against them was the
orthodox majority which suspected the certain dangers of
French free-thinking and, in addition, opposed the exchange
of the solidly organized autonomous rule for the doubtful
benefits of emancipation. As a result, few Jews availed
themselves of the newly awarded privilege of voting for the
new parliament, and not one Jew was elected to it.

Then, in March 1796, a parliamentary committee was as-
signed to inquire into the petition for Jewish emancipation.
It reported favorably. That brought the question to the
floor of parliament where it was discussed for eight days,
the primary consideration being as to whether the Jews are
a nation or a religion, and it was decided on September second,
1796, that no Jew complying with the duties of citizenship
be deprived of full rights as Batavian citizens, and that all

288 THUS RELIGION GROWS

previous provincial and municipal enactments prejudicial to
Jews be abolished. This decision was received with an amaz-
ing lack of joy on the part of the Jews, a reception quite dif-
ferent from that in France. The majority of the Dutch Jews
harbored no ambitions to become officials nor to serve in the
army ; they wanted their own autonomy. Friction resulted
between the liberal and orthodox Jews. The former seceded
and formed their own community in Amsterdam, and their
own synagogue which they called Adath Jeshurun, where
they introduced conservative reforms, such as the abolition of
superfluous liturgical poetry, the elimination of the prayer
against "informers" and like prayers, the introduction of
sermons in the Dutch language, the study of the Bible rather
than the Talmud as the basis of the child's education, the
modification of the orthodox custom of burial within the
shortest time possible after death occurs.

The effects of the new, modern environment made them-
selves felt immediately, with inevitable consequences to the
religion. Not since the destruction of the Temple and the
exile from the Holy Land was the Judaism of old subjected
to so radical a change of environment. In the election of
1797 two Amsterdam Jews were voted into parliament, the
first time in history that Jews gained election to a parliament
of a European nation ; in the following year a third one was
elected. The old world itself had become for the Jew a new
world.

In the two millennia of the formative period of Judaism,
when radical change followed radical change, in historic suc-
cession, the religion had proven its vigor in adapting itself
to new demands, while yet remaining true to itself that same
vigor began to show itself in the demands of the emancipation
era, demands comparable only to those of the early formative
centuries of Judaism.

What added gravely to the difficulty of religious adjust-
ment in the modern period was the ragged unevenness with
which emancipation came. Emancipation was granted;
emancipation was withdrawn. Being a product of the new
political liberalism the new democratic spirit of equal rights

OPENING OF THE GHETTO GATES 289

it partook of the vacillations of political liberalism in the
various states of Europe.

In Italy, for example, the coming of Napoleon meant rescue
from miserable enslavement to papal curfew laws, fines, cen-
sorship, yellow badges; the Republic set up in 1798 struck
off those shackles and declared Jewish equality with full
citizenship. But the following year the French army moved
on to Egypt and the Republic came to an end. Neapolitan
troops reconquered Rome and set up a new pope, and while
he ruled the Jews with leniency he did not accord them
equality. When Rome again came into the hands of the
French (1808), emancipation was restored. When Napoleon
was defeated at Leipzig (1814), Italy reverted once more to
the power of the pope, and once more emancipation was gone.
It did not return until 1870 when the papal states came to an
end and the united Kingdom of Italy came into being ; then
emancipation took on a semblance of stability.

In the English Parliament, Jewish emancipation was more
of a religious question, like the granting of civic privileges to
the Catholics. As early as 1685, King James II officially
invited the Jews to "quietly enjoy the free exercise of their
religion, whilst they behave themselves dutifully and obedi-
ently to his government." Early efforts to win for Jews
rights of citizenship proved unpopular ; still, a law enacted in
1 740 allowed the naturalization of Jews residing in the Ameri-
can colonies of Britain. To the Jews of Canada full enfran-
chisement came in 1832. And in England proper the only re-
maining disability was the disqualification from holding office
because of the requirement of taking a Christian vow when
assuming office. Special arrangements to overcome that
obstacle were made in 1835 and 1845, and finally in 1858
the last disqualification was removed.

If the struggle for recognition was less painful in England,
it was correspondingly more painful in Central Europe. The
penetrating Napoleonic influence from 1789 to 1815 brought
to Central Europe, as on the waves of an incoming tide, de-
crees of equality ; the Rule of Absolutism from 1815 to 1848
abolished those liberal decrees. As on a returning tide, the

290 THUS RELIGION GROWS

insistence on human rights on the part of the underprivileged
non-Jewish as well as Jewish groups deluged the reactionaries
in the revolutions of 1848, and established constitutional gov-
ernmentsBohemia and Poland repealed religious disabili-
ties in 1848, Switzerland (in those areas where Jews were
allowed to reside) in 1862, Austria-Hungary in 1867,
the German Empire in 1870 concessions gained piecemeal,
frequently more on paper than in practice. From 1881
to 1905 the wave of liberalism receded a second time, giv-
ing way to the new spirit of nationalism, in which spirit
Bismarck resorted to the political expediency of combating
liberalism by striking at the defenseless Jews (thus was modern
"anti-Semitism" born, that name given vogue by a publicist
in 1879, the opposition to Jewish emancipation transferred to
a pseudo-scientific basis of racial inferiority, with an Anti-
Semitic League formed in Roumania as early as 1895). From
1905 to the outbreak of the World War, conditions in Ger-
many and in the countries influenced by Germany became
more tolerable.

During the horrible four years of the war, all Jews fought
and died equally as citizens of the countries in which they
lived ; in the peace treaties drafted by the associated powers
at Paris in 1918 were included clauses, over and above the
granting of equal rights of citizenship, which accorded to all
minorities, differing from the majority of the population in
race, language and religion, the right and freedom to per-
petuate these individual possessions through effective institu-
tions. In the new post-war Republics the Jews enjoyed fair
opportunities for participation in the national life and for
expression in the religious life. Then, in 1933, the Third
Reich usurped the place of the German Republic and with
one stroke swept away all the privileges and rights which
had been won through endless sacrifice, and reinstituted in
Nazi Germany all the restrictions of the pre-emancipation
era and what may yet occur in the lands under German
influence one hesitates to predict.

Emancipation, then, is still in the making. In Russia, home

OPENING OF THE GHETTO GATES 291

of over three million Jews, which is one-fifth of the Jewish
population of the entire world, the dawn of freedom did not
come at all until 1917. The revolution in Russia wiped away
racial restrictions and banished the dread of savage Czar-
inspired pogroms. Under the banner of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, complete Jewish equality (other than the
special discriminatory attitude to religion in general) was
guaranteed, to the extent of including acts of anti-Semitism
in the catalogue of grievous crimes. In Poland, the neighbor-
ing center of East European Jewry, complete enfranchisement
was not realized until 1919. As recent as that is the emanci-
pation of the Jew !

At the earliest, it was only one hundred and forty-five
years ago that communities of Jews could take their place
in the modern life ; other Jewish communities were forcibly
confined within the bounds of medievalism until less than two
decades ago. That fact must be remembered above all else !
For four centuries the world-at-large had been discovering
a new life : the Renaissance led to new education, new science,
new philosophy; exploration led to new geography, new
astronomy ; the religious Reformation led to new theology ;
the Industrial Revolution led to new inventions, new indus-
tries, new trades and new occupations. Individual Jews par-
ticipated in the creation of the new life, but not the
communities of Jews not until the barriers of discriminatory
regulations had been broken down. Then, as the waters
gush through the broken walls of a dyke, the full force of
modernity swept through the blasted barriers of the ghetto.

That adjustment to modernity which the world-at-large
was given four centuries to accomplish, the religion of the
Jew has had to cope with as a sudden emergency. In Russia
and Poland, Judaism has had less than twenty years for that
drastic effort. Hence the uncertainties in the contemporary
era of transition in Judaism.

292 THUS RELIGION GROWS

6. ADAPTING JUDAISM TO THE MODERN WORLD

WHERE emancipation came first, there Judaism enjoyed its
fullest opportunities to discover what the modern world re-
quired of the religion.

The very first religious innovations, as has been indicated,
were introduced in 1796 in the ritual of the Adath Jeshurun
congregation of Amsterdam, consisting mainly in the aboli-
tion of obsolete prayers and in the introduction of the ver-
nacular for sermons, and even those moderate changes were
not made without agitation that shook the foundations of the
community.

Thoroughgoing reforms were evolving in Germany. The
Jewish Free School which David Friedlander had founded in
Berlin in 1778 was followed in 1791 by the Wilhelmsschule
of Breslau. In addition to the religious subjects, these schools
taught "writing, reckoning, language, geography and natural
science, in order that the rising generation might be educated
to useful citizenship in the state." Israel Jacobson established
a similar school in Seesen, and duplicate schools arose in some
four other German cities. In these schools, reforms were
introduced in the religious Service, reforms which would not
have been acceptable or even possible in the synagogue itself.
Institutions of modern education thus paved the way for
religious reforms.

The pupils, having become familiar with these modifica-
tions, naturally expected them in the synagogue proper when
they reached adulthood. But it was not an easy matter to
tamper with the established ritual of the synagogue. The
demand for such innovations had to remain unsatisfied until
a leader of sufficient prestige and standing, with the necessary
influence and power, would make it an issue. Israel Jacobson
proved to be that leader. In 1 808 the Napoleonic authorities
appointed him to the position of President of the Jewish
Consistory, and that office carried with it the power (with
the approval of the three rabbis and the two laymen who
functioned with him) to regulate Jewish matters in the area
under its supervision. Already having introduced into his

ADAPTING JUDAISM 293

school at Seesen some German prayers, German hymns and
German sermons, Israel Jacobson built a temple, in 1810,
and into the temple he brought those school innovations.
There are indications that they drew a considerable number
of worshippers who found the Service attractive and in accord
with the age in which they lived. That was the simple be-
ginning of the Reform movement in Judaism. It emanated
from the laity, not from theologians.

This initial effort died suddenly. The downfall of Na-
poleon ended the Consistory; Jacobson lost his position of
power and left for Berlin. But in 1815, under the stimulus
of the Prussian emancipatory edict of 1812, the Reform Serv-
ice was revived privately in Jacobson's home in Berlin and
more successfully in the home of Jacob Herz Beer (father of
Meyerbeer the composer). The Orthodox leaders objected,
and induced the government to order (1817) the private
synagogues to close ; but Jacob Herz Beer managed to cir-
cumvent the decree.

In 1823, when political reaction had set in, all innovations
of a religious nature were forbidden. This proscription was
directly responsible for many conversions to Christianity
amongst those who, having plunged into the life of the
modern world, found alien to themselves the rigid, uncom-
promising, traditional practices of the synagogues.

Despite the Berlin prohibition, preaching in the German
vernacular went on in Dessau and spread into southern Ger-
many. It was, however, the temple of Hamburg, which had
been erected in 1818, that assumed the position of leadership ;
it set the pace in adapting Judaism to the environment. The
Reform form of worship, as it progressed, favored the more
euphonious Sephardic pronunciation of Hebrew, a shortening
of the ritual and chanting ; Reform eliminated the prayers for
the return to Zion, the restoration of the Temple and its
sacrificial cult, the advent of a personal Messiah all these as
no longer desirable objects of prayer ; Reform eliminated the
selling of "mizwot" as obsolete ; Reform abolished the ob-
servance of the second days of Festivals as superfluous now
that the original reason of calendar uncertainty was gone;

294 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Reform introduced the organ, modern music, modern hymns,
reading instead of chanting from the Scroll of the Law, re-
moval of the head-covering in the place of worship, dignity
and decorum these as esthetically desirable and more con-
ducive to stimulating a religious response ; Reform introduced
the Confirmation Service as an essential religious experience
in the years of adolescence; Reform accorded to woman
equality with man in the religious obligations and privileges ;
Reform adopted for prayer and sermon, as supplementary to
the Hebrew, the use of the vernacular as a vehicle of ex-
pression which one may understand. In effecting these re-
forms, the pioneers of the new development in Judaism did
not reach down into the heart of their problem, but their
actions show that they did somehow feel that Judaism is a
living religion and as such must enter the lives of each gen-
eration of Jews ; to enable it to do so, it may be necessary
to discard what is outgrown, to clothe it with a modern garb,
with beauty and dignity.

It was not long before a quarrel arose between the Or-
thodox and Reform groups. On their side of the argument
the Reformers sought to justify reforms on the basis of the
Talmud itself. Even when annihilating some Talmudic regu-
lations, they turned to Talmudic authorities in search of
justification. That peculiar inconsistency reveals the weak-
ness of the first stage of Reform Judaism. It was entirely
external. It had no foundation philosophically. Innovations
of external reforms may attract a generation or two, but if
they have not the undergirding of a sound foundation that
will withstand the assaults of modern thinking they can be
but temporary.

The second generation of Reformers recognized this truth.
They saw that necessary as were the external reforms, it was
even more necessary to conduct research into the basic prin-
ciples of Judaism. Religious emancipation had to come from
within, through study and more study. In Berlin there was
the Society for the Advancement of the Science of Judaism
("die Wissenschaft des Judenthums"), founded in 1819,
which, though dissolved five years later, added tremendously

ADAPTING JUDAISM 295

to the evolution of Judaism by emphasizing as fundamental
the necessity for a scientific investigation of the Jewish past.

Even as Moses Mendelssohn through his writings made pos-
sible the early beginnings of Jewish participation in the
modern world, while he himself remained consistently or-
thodox in practice, so Leopold Zunz (1794-1886) of "Wissen-
schaft" fame fathered the second stage of Reform Judaism,
without being part of it being, in fact, opposed to it in his
later years. The law of Berlin which forbade synagogue in-
novations was enacted by the non-Jewish authorities on the
assumption that after the birth of Christianity the Jewish reli-
gion had lingered on as but a lifeless vestige. It was this
blunt assumption that stimulated Leopold Zunz to write "The
Homilies of the Jews, Historically Developed" the first
great literary accomplishment of the nineteenth century.
With careful scholarship and in a critical spirit he approached
holy Scripture as literature, analyzing it as any other historic
record would be analyzed, and demonstrated that Judaism is
a gradual development, that its Law is a product of evolution,
of a continuous tradition and not the revelation of a single
moment, crystallized, complete ; that therefore it is false and
libelous to assume that the religion stopped living and grow-
ing at any particular time. This thesis became central in
the research undertaken by the second generation of Re-
formers.

More than anyone of that generation, Abraham Geiger
(1810-1874) dedicated himself to a scientific study of the
historic backgrounds of Reform, in order to establish the
criteria as to what is and what is not true to Judaism. A uni-
versity doctorate degree as well as a thoroughgoing Jewish
education qualified him for that assignment. In 1836 there
appeared the "Nineteen Letters of Ben Uzziel," penned by
Samson Raphael Hirsch, which insisted that every detail of
the Written and Oral Law is forever valid and that the
differentiation in religion between the eternal and the tempo-
rary is false. To that scholarly defense of Orthodoxy, Abra-
ham Geiger countered that hedged-in rabbinism is shut off
from the light of the modern day, that change is imperative

296 THUS RELIGION GROWS

at a time when the exact observance of every traditional de-
tail has become impossible.

Geiger argued that the Talmudic period and its summa-
tion in the Shulhan Aruk is only a phase in the unfolding
of Judaism, not the final development. He admitted the
principle of tradition but was opposed to enslavement to indi-
vidual traditions. He stood for tradition as against traditions.
Some of the specific traditions may have possessed values for
a former age, but not for the contemporary age : why retain
them ? All that is essential is to continue in the line of Jew-
ish tradition, to follow the patterns of growth evolved in the
past but to continue to grow !

Rather than have one adhere to established forms and rigid
customs, Abraham Geiger stressed the strengthening of the
inner moral being. To live in the modern age and to be
part of that age, even if it meant ceasing to be a Talmud-
obeying Jew, was preferable to that orthodoxy which kept
one aloof from the age. Throughout, Geiger sought to ex-
plain religion rationally: that inspiration and prophecy are
normal experiences of the spirit ; that revelation is a gradual
disclosure of God and of God's will, without reference to the
supernatural ; that although some of the Biblical writings are
inadequate by reason of the limited knowledge of that age,
yet the quintessence of Scripture the spiritual truth is
still valid ; that the Bible, properly interpreted, does not hope
for a miraculous redemption or a personal Messiah, but rather
for a Messianic age of universal happiness and blessedness.
Geiger, in short, attempted to harmonize Law with life. And
through research he sought to convince his fellow-Jews that
reform in Judaism was an inevitable and necessary phase in
the evolution of the religion.

One need hardly add that in defending this attitude Abra-
ham Geiger opened himself to severe attack. His own asso-
ciates in the rabbinate of the Breslau congregation issued a
manifesto against him, whereupon the congregation sought
the opinions of leaders as to whether free inquiry for truth
in religion was compatible with the role of the rabbi. The
replies were pro and con, depending upon the degree of

ADAPTING JUDAISM 297

orthodoxy the replies represented. In the end, however,
Geiger's stand was confirmed, and when his opposing col-
league, Titkin, died, Geiger ascended to the chief rabbinate of
the congregation.

A more serious quarrel in 1841 resulted from the revision of
the new prayerbook for the Hamburg temple. It proposed
to eliminate those traditional portions which prayed for a
restoration of the Jewish nation in Palestine. Samuel Hold-
heim (1806-1860), chief defender of the revision, based him-
self on the dictum of Jewish tradition that the law of the
state in which the Jew lives is primary. Holdheim main-
tained that the laws of the state should regulate matters of
marriage and divorce, not the Jewish laws. In his "Principles
of Reformed Judaism" (1847) he distinguished between the
perpetual and the temporary values in the Jewish religion.
Moreover, he justified intermarriage, if the non-Jew be of a
Monotheistic faith. In this and in other regards he was more
radical than Geiger. As rabbi of the Berlin Reform Syna-
gogue, he consented to the transfer of Sabbath Services from
Saturday to the Sunday morning ; he countenanced the elim-
ination of traditional ceremonies ; he contended that the
principle of tradition is a "principle of eternal youth, the prin-
ciple of continuity, constant development and growth of the
primitive germs which God Himself placed in Scripture," that
the rabbinic interpretation is the product of the point of view
of a particular age, but is not the only possible point of view.

The other side of the argument in the matter of the prayer-
book revision was upheld by Isaac Noah Mannheimer (1793-
1865). Resolutely he believed in the national restoration in
Palestine and the necessity to pray for it, though he would
not relish the reintroduction of the sacrificial ritual of old. It
was the more conservative attitude among the early Reform-
ers that Mannheimer expressed. In his ministry in Copen-
hagen and later in Vienna he adopted moderate innovations,
such as Confirmation and the modernization of the Service,
yet he was averse to denationalizing Judaism.

Among those who were seeking the appropriate expression
of Judaism for the age of emancipation a schism was definitely

298 THUS RELIGION GROWS

developing. The split came in the Frankfurt Conference of
1845, when Zachariah Frankel (1801-1875), Chief Rabbi of
Dresden, Geiger's equal in scholarship, withdrew from the
conference to express his objections. In taking the path of
conservative progressiveness, Frankel followed the lead of
Nahman Krochmal (1785-1841) and Solomon Rapoport
(1790-1867) and Leopold Zunz. It was Zunz, af ore-men-
tioned founder of the scientific study of Judaism, who em-
phasized that the consecration of general usage places upon
the Jew the obligation of conformity. It is the duty of the
individual to change his ways ; the religion needs no change.
For Leopold Zunz, reformation in Judaism could mean but a
fuller self-knowledge, a more adequate knowledge of the
continuous process and continuous revelation of the religion
and of the beautiful life it demanded.

In the same vein, Zachariah Frankel urged freedom of re-
search and accuracy therein, whilst in the practical life he
held supreme the authority of well-established tradition.
Search critically and scientifically into the past he remon-
strated but at the same time reverence as obligatory that
which the past has brought into being ! He advocated such
reform as coupled reason with scholarship ; for example, while
admitting the permissibility of changes in the ritual, he none
the less held on to Hebrew as a necessary part of worship.
Like Mannheimer, he felt that the hope for a national restora-
tion in Palestine still had power to stir the imagination and
ardor of the Jew. This middle position of his Frankel called
"positive historical Judaism."

To Frankel went the honor of becoming the first head of
the new rabbinical seminary which was opened in Breslau in
1854, of having been chosen in preference to Geiger al-
though the latter had helped considerably in arranging for
the necessary endowment. The choice of Frankel meant a
victory for the "positive historical" attitude. With him at
the helm of that important institution, it was certain to be
Conservative and to train a discipleship in modern Judaism
which, while progressive, was yet opposed to official Reform.

ADAPTING JUDAISM 299

Heinrich Graetz (1817-1891) was a distinguished member
of the faculty of Frankel's rabbinical seminary and he added
momentum to the development of Conservative Judaism.
His "History of the Jews," written critically yet romantically,
achieved wonders in bringing self-knowledge to the rank and
file of Jews of his generation and of succeeding generations.
Graetz was not opposed to progress in Judaism. In full har-
mony with the tendencies of his time, he even regretted the
fact that the Talmud was codified, for that tended to arrest
growth. At the same time, Graetz insisted that no matter
what be the origins of the great institutions of Judaism they
must be regarded as the best means of discipline, the best bond
of union between Jew and Jew.

The conservative check on Reform reveals the relative
strength and weakness of the Reform movement at this second
generation stage of its emergence. The emancipation con-
tacts had created the urgency for changes in ritual and reli-
gious custom ; the appreciation of citizenship and the ideal of
patriotism had made desirable the emphasis that Jews con-
stitute a religious community, not a separate nation within a
nation ; the modern ideal of "humanity" had directed atten-
tion to the universal outlook of Judaism ; the recognition of
the scientific method as the key to true knowledge had stimu-
lated a critical study of the literature of Judaism : to the ex-
tent that the Reform leaders dedicated heart and mind to meet
this four-fold challenge of the modern environment, they are
deserving of commendation. The results they achieved went
deep beneath the surface. No longer was Reform a hap-
hazard array of expedient reforms in religious practices. It
now articulated basic principles, resting on foundations of
historic fact: the principle of historic continuity, the prin-
ciple of differentiating between the temporal and the perma-
nent, the principle of progressive revelation that God reveals
Himself in every age, in the spirit of the age, and that there-
fore the doctrine as well as the ritual of the religion may be
reformulated to conform with the spirit of the present.

What were the weaknesses? The elimination of tradi-

3 oo THUS RELIGION GROWS

tional observances, one after the other, was slowly transform-
ing the living religion into a scholastic philosophy. By the
duties that the worshipper performs, a religion lives. Take
away those duties, and nothing remains but vague theology.
Had substitute obligations been instituted to take the place of
those cancelled, the new spirit would have gained a fresh
lease of life in a new body ; but only the Confirmation Serv-
ice was introduced as a major addition. In the old theology,
speculation on the mysteries of the realm beyond had yielded
great mystical stimulation; that was subdued. Hope for a
personal Messiah and for an ultimate restoration to the Holy
Land had ever aroused courage and enthusiasm; that was
abandoned. The dangers in these negations and cancella-
tions were promptly recognized by the Conservative leaders
of the "positive historical" school and they labored mightily
to keep the beloved religion from dying of anemia.

Moreover, the masses could not keep pace with the advance
of Reform. So sudden the changes, so decisive the departure
from the norm of centuries, so complicated the task of ad-
justmentonly the intellectual liberals could maintain the
stride. The fiery Breslau Rabbinical Conference of 1846
clearly demonstrated the parting of the ways the urge of
the pace-makers to press on into new ground and the equally
determined resolve of the conservatives to proceed with ut-
most caution. External events spoke the decision. The
political persecution and panic of the fourth and fifth decades
in Germany brought to a halt the progress of Reform : in the
storm of persecution, wisdom dictates caution. That perse-
cution, though, impelled a mighty stream of German Jews
to migrate to the land of promise, the United States of
America. To the western continent these German immi-
grantsand their leaders, the pupils of Leopold Stein and
Joseph Aub brought Reform Judaism.

7. SCENE OF ACTION SHIFTS TO AMERICA

THE American scene was favorable for the establishment and
spread of Reform. The American atmosphere was charged

IN AMERICA 301

with liberal idealism. The American environment was one
to encourage freedom of religious practice and freedom of
religious inquiry. There were no established congregations
to interfere ; there were no central ecclesiastical or communal
authorities to forbid ; there were no political powers to pro-
scribe. Reform and Conservative Judaism arrived in the
United States on an equal footing with Orthodox Judaism.
There were no precedents to hinder. The same psychology
that motivated immigration to the new world predisposed the
new arrivals to look for the new, the new life, the new inter-
pretation of the old faith.

As early as 1824 reforms were introduced in the synagogue
of Charleston, South Carolina. It was not until 1842 that
a congregation Har Sinai of Baltimore organized from the
outset as a Reform congregation. This was followed in 1845
by Congregation Emanuel of New York City, which has
since become the most influential Reform group in America.
Rapidly, as the second half of the nineteenth century ran its
course, Reform Judaism in America rose to a position of
world leadership.

More than any other individual, Isaac Mayer Wise (1819-
1900) brought Reform in America to the forefront. Many
a time, the early American leaders threatened to split the
movement because of theological differences, and thus per-
haps to cripple it forever. Each congregation was a law un-
to itself, each with its own prayerbook and its own customs.
With his organizing genius Isaac Mayer Wise managed to
preserve unity, through the strength of organization. In
1873 he founded the Union of American Hebrew Congrega-
tions. In 1875 at Cincinnati he opened the Hebrew Union
College for the adequate training of Reform rabbis, and be-
came its first president. In 1889 he established the Central
Conference of American Rabbis, whose most unifying
achievement is the Union Prayer Book which in time was
adopted by practically every Reform congregation.

To his credit be it said that, though an immigrant to Amer-
ica, it did not take Isaac Mayer Wise long to realize that Re-
form in this country must not be a mere shadow of Reform

302 THUS RELIGION GROWS

in Germany, but that if it is to be true to the principles of
Reform it must seek an adjustment to this new American en-
vironment. To his credit be it said, further, that by means
of the organizations he created he did much to bring Reform
to the laity, and the laity to Reform, and thus to reduce the
gap which separated the masses from the theologians. The
Union of American Hebrew Congregations and latterly the
National Federation of Temple Sisterhoods and the National
Federation of Temple Brotherhoods opened the way for
more action and participation by lay leadership.

The first teachers and disciples of the Hebrew Union Col-
lege have been designated as the third generation in the his-
tory of Reform. They met at conferences to iron out con-
flicting opinions as to doctrine and practice. The program
of that generation was crystallized in the Pittsburgh Confer-
ence of 1885, under the guidance of Kaufmann Kohler, fore-
most theologian of Reform Judaism in America. Because the
Pittsburgh "platform," in addition to summarizing the prin-
ciples reached, pointed to the path Reform was to follow for
almost half a century, it is worth quoting in full :

1. We recognize in every religion an attempt to grasp the
Infinite, and in every mode, source, or book of revelation held
sacred in any religious system the consciousness of the indwelling
of God in man. We hold that Judaism presents the highest con-
ception of the God-idea as taught in our Holy Scriptures and
developed and spiritualized by the Jewish teachers, in accordance
with the moral and philosophical progress of their respective ages.
We maintain that Judaism preserved and defended, midst con-
tinual struggles and trials and under enforced isolation, this God-
idea as the central religious truth for the human race.

2. We recognize in the Bible the record of the consecration
of the Jewish people to its mission as the priest of the one God,
and value it as the most potent instrument of religious and moral
instruction. We hold that the modern discoveries of scientific
researches in the domain of nature and history are not antagonistic
to the doctrines of Judaism, the Bible reflecting the primitive ideas
of its own age, and at times clothing its conception of divine
Providence and Justice dealing with man in miraculous narratives.

3. We recognize in the Mosaic legislation a system of training

IN AMERICA 303

the Jewish people for its mission during its national life in Pales-
tine, and today we accept as binding only its moral laws, and
maintain only such ceremonies as elevate and sanctify our lives,
but reject all such as are not adapted to the views and habits of
modern civilization.

4. We hold that all such Mosaic and rabbinical laws as regulate
diet, priestly purity, and dress originated in ages and under the
influence of ideas entirely foreign to our present mental and
spiritual state. They fail to impress the modern Jew with a spirit
of priestly holiness ; their observance in our days is apt rather to
obstruct than to further modern spiritual elevation.

5. We recognize, in the modern era of universal culture of
heart and intellect, the approaching of the realization of Israel's
great Messianic hope for the establishment of the kingdom of
truth, justice, and peace among all men. We consider ourselves
no longer a nation, but a religious community, and therefore
expect neither a return to Palestine, nor a sacrificial worship
under the sons of Aaron, nor the restoration of any of the laws
concerning the Jewish state.

6. We recognize in Judaism a progressive religion, ever striv-
ing to be in accord with the postulates of reason. We are con-
vinced of the utmost necessity of preserving the historical identity
with our great past. Christianity and Islam being daughter re-
ligions of Judaism, we appreciate their providential mission to
aid in the spreading of monotheistic and moral truth. We ac-
knowledge that the spirit of broad humanity of our age is our
ally in the fulfillment of our mission, and therefore we extend
the hand of fellowship to all who operate with us in the estab-
lishment of the reign of truth and righteousness among men.

7. We reassert the doctrine of Judaism that the soul is im-
mortal, grounding this belief on the divine nature of the human
spirit, which forever finds bliss in righteousness and misery in
wickedness. We reject as ideas not rooted in Judaism, the
beliefs both in bodily resurrection and in Gehenna and Eden
(Hell and Paradise) as abodes for everlasting punishment and
reward.

8. In full accordance with the spirit of Mosaic legislation, which
strives to regulate the relations between rich and poor, we deem
it our duty to participate in the great task of modern times, to
solve, on the basis of justice and righteousness, the problems
presented by the contrasts and evils of the present organization

3 o 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

of society. (D. Philipson, "The Reform Movement in Judaism,"
1931 ed., pp. 355-357) "

It had been hoped that the Hebrew Union College and the
Union of American Hebrew Congregations would serve the
needs of the Conservative as well as of the Reform group, but
certain of the principles written into the Pittsburgh Confer-
ence program proved altogether too radical for the Conserva-
tives. Therefore, in 1886, Sabato Morais of Philadelphia
founded the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York City.
This school for the training of Conservative rabbis did not
gain its full stride until the arrival in 1902 of Solomon Schech-
ter. Magnificent as a scholar, magnificent as a writer and
magnificent as a personality, this Roumanian-born Jew (1850-
1915), when called from Cambridge University to head the
Jewish Theological Seminary, brought to that institution,
and through it to Conservative Judaism in America, a new
spirit and a new goal. He advocated liberalism, but a liberal-
ism that was intrinsically Jewish and in strict accordance with
the historic continuity of the Jewish people, that would be
lived by all Israel "catholic Israel" and not by one seg-
ment or group. His main quarrel with Reform was that Re-
form had lost contact with the Jewish group life. After all,
Judaism is made up of individual units the Jews and the
primary caution must ever be to avoid any radical change
which might disintegrate the units.

In that stand, Schechter was on the side of Zunz and
Frankel. Jastrow of Philadelphia, Kohut and Jacobs of New
York, Szold of Baltimore, had shown the same allegiance.
The United Synagogue of America (organized in 1913)
brought together the congregations supporting the policy of
conservative caution in the acceptance of reforms. The
Rabbinical Assembly of America gave Conservative Rabbis
an opportunity to articulate policies. As against Reform,
they fought for the retention of Hebrew in worship. As
against Reform, they continued to cherish Palestine and the
hope for national restoration ; in the words of Schechter, "the

* By permission of The Macmillan Co., publishers.

IN AMERICA 305

rebirth of Israel's national consciousness and the revival of
Judaism are inseparable." As against Reform, they empha-
sized the legalism of the Talmud and held tenaciously to
every ceremonial possible of fulfillment in the modern world.

The hundreds of thousands of Jews who fled from the tor-
ment of Eastern Europe to America in the last quarter of the
nineteenth century and in the first decades of the twentieth
century, if they sought worship more modern than that found
among the Orthodox, were drawn by the bonds of kinship
to Conservative rather than the Reform congregations, with-
out pausing to analyze the subtle distinctions between Con-
servative and Reform : therefore, to an estimable degree, the
cleavage between the two reflected either Eastern European
or Germanic points of origin.

It was the hope of Conservative Judaism that whatever ad-
justment was necessary should be made along strictly tradi-
tional lines and given validity by an authoritative body of all
Jewry, as in days of old. In the course of events, however,
individual Conservative congregations and individual Con-
servative rabbis made their own individual adjustments.
Some introduced the organ; some did not. Some allowed
men and women to sit side by side in worship ; some did not.
Some Conservative congregations could not be distinguished
from Orthodox congregations ; others seemed almost Reform.
Reformers looked upon Conservatism as the stepping-stone to
Reform. In countless instances, it is true, the Conservative
Jew had but to learn to remove his hat in the synagogue, to
accustom himself to the Union Prayer Book, and to enjoy the
comradeship of the Jew of German-speaking ancestry, and
he promptly felt at home in the ranks of Reform. In other
instances, entire Conservative congregations by the adop-
tion of the Union Prayer Book voted themselves Reform.

Is the difference between Conservative and Reform only
one of degree ? Or, has Conservative reached only the first
stage of Reform, that of innovations in ritual moderate in-
novations, to be sure without the second stage of theological
and doctrinal revaluation of Judaism on the basis of modern
knowledge ?

3 o6 THUS RELIGION GROWS

8. REFORM JUDAISM

CLAUDE G. MONTEFIORE, co-founder in 1901 of the Liberal
Jewish Synagogue in London, and President of the World
Union for Progressive Judaism (organized in 1926), in all his
writings insists that the difference is not one of degree, but a
difference of kind. He emphasizes that Reform is the ex-
pression of definite principles, is not an unrelated series of
convenient or expedient makeshifts. Orthodoxy does not
turn into Reform through mere shrinkage. Reform is not
obtained by chipping off bits of Orthodoxy. Nor is Reform
a shadow of Orthodoxy, comprising those who woefully
lament: "Alas, I cannot be Orthodox! I shall do the next
best thing." While it is true that Reform and Orthodox have
more in common than in difference between them, yet there
are fundamental doctrinal distinctions that make Reform not
a mere negation. While Conservative or Orthodox lay stress
upon action, conduct and unity of observance, without ne-
cessitating unity in belief, Reform maintains that action must
be based upon faith, that observance must grow out of belief,
that the two the spirit and the performance must form a
unity.

The first principle of Reform, as taught by Montefiore, is
precisely that: "In the belief that Orthodox Judaism, as a
religious whole, has broken down, and that only fragments,
disparate and unharmonized, are left, Liberal Judaism is an at-
tempt to make Judaism a living, working religion, harmoni-
ous and consistent in all its parts." ("Some Rough Notes
About Liberal Judaism," p. 3.) Doctrinally, Orthodox Juda-
ism has broken down : historic criticism of the Bible and also
modern thought have destroyed the theology whose axiom it
was that the Law originates from Moses, that it and the codes
of Law based on it are unique divine revelation. Partly as a
result of modern conditions, Orthodoxy is in chaos. "Thus a
new whole has to be constructed a new harmonious whole
of doctrine and form; that is the task of Liberal Judaism
. . . this whole, or harmony, consisting of both doctrine and
form has to be in the higher sense of the word suitable and

REFORM JUDAISM 307

appropriate to the times and the circumstances in and amid
which we actually live" (Ibid. p. 5).

According to Montefiore (Ibid. p. 2), the essence of Lib-
eral Judaism is "the passion for, and the cultivation of, truth
in the Service of the God of Truth ; the desire for Harmony
and Unity in the worship of the uniquely One God." All
that one does in relation to changes in doctrine and form
must be in obedience to this impulse for truth and harmony :
that is the final arbiter ; that is the authority for the beliefs
and practices in Reform Judaism ; that is the sanction.

In Orthodox Judaism the authority and sanction is the con-
viction that the Written Law of Moses and the Oral Law of
tradition represent the will of God, as revealed directly by
Him, and therefore compel obedience. In Reform Judaism
the authority and sanction are conscience and reason. So
argues Montefiore ("Liberal Judaism and Authority," pp. 13,
14). "No man can be 'good' who does not of his own mind
and conscience accept 'goodness' as the right and ultimate
thing to do and to be. 'Goodness' is, indeed, the will of God,
but it must be recognized to be this, because it is good, and
because God is good, and because He is the condition and
guarantee of goodness. Then as to the contents of 'good-
ness,' we do not make these equivalent to the moral demands
of any particular book. The conscience and reason are the
final authority, but not an easy, hasty, conceited conscience
and reason, but a conscience and a reason which, as they are
the product of the past, listen with care and reverence to
the gathered wisdom of the ages and to the words of the
great teachers, prophets, lawgivers and saints.

"If I did not feel and realize within my own heart and mind
that 'goodness' is good, I could not become good, or be good,
by doing acts on the authority of a book, or of a code, or
even of God. If you attempt to reply, 'Yes, you could, if
you believed that God was good,' you give away your case,
for if you do good acts because a good God tells you to do
them, then goodness is already known to you, and what really
happens is that your conscience and reason are reinforced in
their commands by the belief that these very commands are

3 o8 THUS RELIGION GROWS

not only their commands, but also God's commands. The
Moral Law is both within and without. Its internal author-
ity impels us to believe in the eternal Source of that authority.
And this is the very position of Liberal Judaism, which
mounts from conscience and reason, from righteousness and
love, up to God, and passes down again from God to con-
science and reason.

"Then as to religious observance. Here, too, the 'sanction,'
the authority, is both internal and external. We test and
freely accept the winnowed wisdom of the past. We use
with affection and reverence what the past has bequeathed to
us, even while we, too, in our turn, select, modify, add. We
recognize the divine Spirit, touching the human spirit and
illuminating it, in the achievements of the past, and we trust
that this divine spirit is still working and still helping in the
struggles and achievements of the present."

The doctrines and practices of Liberal or Reform Judaism
are in no way dogmatic. They are sufficiently elastic and
sufficiently capable of development to include a wide diver-
sity of status and opinion. In the search for truth in doc-
trine and for forms that correspond harmoniously, Reform
must continuously sift and develop, and, so, gradually move
forward. This is the progressive revelation of God. Be-
cause it is not final does not mean that it is unauthoritative.

Rather is there a challenge to each successive generation
to search deeply within itself, to discover new truth, better
modes of living, more beautiful practices.

Of the heritage of the past, what does the group con-
science and reason of Liberal Judaism accept ? Judging by the
Resolutions of the Conferences of American Rabbis, the writ-
ings of leaders, and the contents of the Union Prayer Book,
the Reform group subscribes to the belief: in One God,
Creator and Guide of all nature and of all that lives, Source
of all truth and righteousness ; that God is of the spirit, but
can be recognized through His manifestations in nature, in
human life, in history ; that there is in man a soul, which is
non-physical and intangible and accounts for man's love for
truth, beauty and goodness, and is thus the point of contact,

REFORM JUDAISM 309

without need of mediation, between God and man; that
there are laws of moral conduct even as there are laws of
nature, and that these moral laws must be obeyed or punish-
ment will come just as disobedience of a natural law brings
its inevitable punishment ; that the Jew has been chosen for a
mission to mankind, by his life and example to bring the na-
tions of the earth to the worship of the One God ; that, there-
fore, the Jew sanctifies God's name through sanctified living,
even as he may desecrate God's name through disgraceful
living.

Of the heritage of the past, other elements have been modi-
fied by Reform on the authority of group acceptance: the
traditional hope for a personal Messiah has been transplanted
by the projected ideal of a Messianic age of greater happiness,
greater justice, greater truth ; the traditional belief in resur-
rection has been limited to a hope for the immortality of the
soul. While tradition has always accepted sincere prose-
lytes, Reform has made the road of the proselyte easier by
waiving the requirement of immersion in the Mikweh, or of
circumcision. Agreeing with tradition that prayer, ceremony
and ritual observance are necessary in that they help the ef-
fort to commune with God and to sanctify life, Reform has
retained the Holidays, but Reform has shortened the prayers,
translated them into the vernacular, changed the hours of
worship and sometimes even the day of observance.

Reform has entirely eliminated those ceremonial prohibi-
tions whose only defense is the Orthodox argument that they
were given by God in His revelation as recorded in the Bible
and interpreted in the Talmudic literature but which intrinsi-
cally are not necessarily conducive to a more sanctified life
for instance, the prohibition against shaving or the prohibi-
tion against wearing garments of flax and wool mixed. The
observance of the dietary laws Reform has judged by the
same principle, as to whether they contribute to religious
value : if they do, observe them by all means ; if they do not,
one is not sinful in violating them not convenience or in-
difference are the deciding factors, but reason and conscience
for to practice that which one cannot accept is to give to

3 io THUS RELIGION GROWS

hypocrisy an opening wedge. Similarly, on the question of
smoking on the Sabbath, of riding on the Sabbath, of work-
ing on the Sabbath, group conscience and reason must be the
guide. The acceptance of innovations must satisfy those
same requirements : organ music, mixed choirs, the Confirma-
tion Service, and the religious equality of the sexes, have in
the Reform group satisfied the requirements of conscience
and reason ; by that token, future innovations must win the
same acceptance.

The standard of group acceptance serves as a powerful
bond uniting theory and practice, theologian and layman, re-
ducing the likelihood of the leaders outdistancing their fol-
lowers as with the second generation of Reformers in Ger-
many. Religion is not the restricted province of Confer-
ences, nor of theological seminaries, nor of books. Religion
must be lived by the people. The leader must lead, but his
people must walk with him.

It is possible for a doctrine or practice to gain the accept-
ance of Reform Jews of one age, and not of the succeeding
one. That must be, if divine revelation is progressive. Prog-
ress is partly the discovery of new truth, and partly the identi-
fication of the old truth as erroneous. The Reform attitude
to Jewish nationalism provides an outstanding illustration of
this re-evaluative process. So, at least, it seems.

9. SPIRITUAL REBIRTH IN ZIONISM

IN the early days of Reform, when the Jew had just received
the invitation to share the life and citizenship of the land in
which he lived, there was apprehension lest anything be said
or done that might jeopardize the newly won civic rights.
They had been won only after it was definitely voted that
Jews are a nation no longer, but a religious community. In-
dividual Reform leaders unequivocally took that stand, and
the Pittsburgh "platform" of 1885 established it as a guiding
principle.

History has wrought many changes since 1885. The
prayerful hope for a restoration of Israel to Palestine is an

SPIRITUAL REBIRTH IN ZIONISM 311

ancient one, but the formation of a movement and the mobili-
zation of practical efforts to that end did not materialize until
the second half of the nineteenth century, coincident with
the intensification of the nationalist spirit amongst the peoples
of Europe. The harassed Jews recalled that they too had
flourished as a proud nation prior to the Roman dispersion,
and that the longing for the return to the land of Israel had
never died out. Tradition had left to God in His own way
and at the appointed time to effect the restoration. But now,
seeing other national groups coalesce and through practical
politics unify themselves into national units, it dawned upon
some of the leaders that the time was propitious for the Jew
to bestir himself, to do something practical, to be at least an
active "partner of God" in bringing about the national res-
toration.

Thus, in 1862, Rabbi Zebi Hirsch Kalischer argued in a
pamphlet that before the Messiah will come to redeem Israel,
Israel must first resettle the Holy Land ; as a practical result,
an agricultural school was founded near Jaffa eight years
afterwards. In a book, "Rome and Jerusalem," a militant
journalist, Moses Hess, took up the same cause in 1862 : hav-
ing witnessed the problem of his people in exile, as drama-
tized in the kidnapping and forced conversion of the Jewish
Mortara child and in the Damascus ritual murder libel, he
saw in Palestine a solution to the Jewish world problem, and
it was he who planted the concept of a Jewish Congress to
direct the rehabilitation of Palestine.

More and more, Palestine loomed large as the solution.
The much acclaimed political emancipation came short of its
promise. The virus of anti-Semitism was beginning to claim
its toll in Central and Western Europe, and the monstrous
pogroms were making life a living hell in Eastern Europe.
The writer Moses Loeb Lilienblum (in 1881) pleaded with
his people to reclaim the homeland. In 1882, Leo Pinsker
penned the call for "self -emancipation" : the world will not
emancipate you, then emancipate yourselves, by founding
your own independent communal life, no matter where-
self -emancipation should be the slogan and the goal. It was

3 i2 THUS RELIGION GROWS

a goal, though, beset by severe hardship. Young pioneers
left to settle upon the soil of Palestine, but the rigors of the
inhospitable land drove most of them back. Sturdier pioneers
came, more devoted pioneers, more willing to sacrifice regard-
less of time or toil.

One single event, if dramatic enough, may prove a turning
point in history. Such an event was the Dreyfus trial. Al-
fred Dreyfus, Captain in the French Army, was falsely ar-
rested, court-martialed, condemned, degraded and imprisoned
for high-treason ; the guilty officers, men of high rank, sin-
gled out Dreyfus because a Jew as a scapegoat ; and only
after the entire civilized world had become incensed by this
outrage on justice was Dreyfus vindicated and freed. Theo-
dore Herzl (1860-1904), the Paris correspondent of a Vienna
newspaper, was assigned to cover the trial and the resultant
degradation. Herzl, himself a Jew, had never shown any
particular interest in matters Jewish not until he witnessed
the Dreyfus trial. Then, with the suddenness of a slap in the
face, the failure of the political emancipation to end the Jew-
ish question struck him mightily. He could concentrate on
nothing else. Impulsively he wrote "The Jewish State"
(1895), in which he presented a complete and straightfor-
ward scheme whereby a Jewish sovereign state of the Jews
and for the Jews could be brought into being by the Jews.

Herzl strove to interest the powerful Baron Maurice de
Hirsch and other notables, but in vain. However, a leader
may require but one disciple to perpetuate his dream-world.
That one disciple Herzl found in Max Nordau, the celebrated
physician and litterateur. At his advice, Herzl discussed the
project with Israel Zangwill of London, popular writer on
Jewish themes. If the leaders did not respond as readily as
Herzl desired, the masses did. The masses who suffered
atrocities, the Jews of Russia, Poland, Galicia and Lithuania,
they understood and they responded. In August of 1897
two hundred delegates met in Congress in Basle, Switzerland,
to define Zionism and to lay the foundation for Zionist en-
deavor. The definition came in the very first paragraph of
the "Programme" adopted : "Zionism aims at establishing for

SPIRITUAL REBIRTH IN ZIONISM 313

the Jewish people a publicly and legally assured home in
Palestine." To accomplish that end, the Jewish Colonial
Trust and the Jewish National Fund were created several
years later.

After HerzFs premature death, David Wolffsohn and then
Max Nordau led the way. Congresses of Zionists argued,
split up, rejoined forces, denounced opponents of Zionism,
combated anti-Semitism. So pressing was the need for a
haven of refuge that territories other than Palestine were
spoken of, but they did not appeal as did the Holy Land.
Even if restricted to a slow process of colonization, Palestine,
and Palestine only, could evoke the fervor without which the
hardships of the pioneer life would never be voluntarily
undertaken.

The pen of Ahad Haam (pen-name of Asher Ginzberg)
gave lustre to the philosophy of Zionism. In Western
Europe, Zionism was tantamount to a political refuge from
anti-Semitism ; in Eastern Europe, its main attractiveness was
its promise of economic opportunities: he sensed the defi-
ciencies in both attitudes. Ahad Haam insisted, and rightly
so, that Zionism dare not be negative a mere escape but
that it must express the positive qualities of the Jew. It must
be spiritual. Palestine must become a center for Judaism as
well as for the Jew. There, the people must find more than
just a living, more than just political rights. There, the soul
of the people must be reborn. "The salvation of Israel will
come to pass through prophets, and not through diplomats."
If Zionism stands for nationalism, it must stand for spiritual
nationalism. The Jew must return to the fountainhead for
new waters of inspiration. As for the ghetto, while it pre-
serves Judaism, it also dwarfs it ; as for emancipation, even
were it to succeed, it must necessarily dissipate the traditional
ideals of Judaism : hence the need for a return to Palestine
to revive the spirit.

"Spiritual rebirth" became the slogan for the new Palestine.
Hebrew revived as a living tongue, as in the days of the
Bible. Amongst the colonists who now arrived, there were
those who brought with them the cherished ideal of a renas-

3 1 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

cence of Jewish culture. Now the program of Zionism was
sufficiently rounded out. Now world Jewry was prepared
for the stroke of historic fortune which the forces of destiny
were to confer !

During the latter part of the World War, with General
Allenby of the British Army preparing his campaign against
Turkish control in Palestine, the Zionist leaders in England
Chaim Weizmann and Nahum Sokolow engaged in com-
munication with the British government regarding its pro-
posed policy for Palestine. On November 2, 1917, Lord
Arthur J. Balfour, Minister for Foreign Affairs in the British
Cabinet, indicated to the Zionist Federation, through Lord
Rothschild, that "His Majesty's Government view with
favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the
Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate
the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood
that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and
religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Pales-
tine or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any
other country." When, with the assistance of the Jewish
Legion, General Allenby routed the Turkish troups, Pales-
tine came under the control of Great Britain and to her the
Supreme Council of the League of Nations (in 1920) man-
dated the Holy Land on the terms of the principles outlined
in the Balfour Declaration.

Sir Herbert Louis Samuel, distinguished British Jew, was
appointed the first High Commissioner of Palestine ; Hebrew
was declared one of the official languages of the land; and
the dream of the centuries, Israel's prayer since the destruc-
tion of the Temple, seemed at long last within reach of fulfill-
ment. Zealous pioneers (Halutzim) from all corners of the
earth dedicated themselves to the task of reclaiming Palestine,
to make it in fact as in name the Land of Israel. With
their lives they have written a magnificent chapter of heroism.

Those who behold a guiding providence in all history can
see in the opening up of Palestine for Jewish immigration a
godsend for the disenfranchised Jews of the German Third
Reich, and for the starving Jews of Poland. With increasing

SPIRITUAL REBIRTH IN ZIONISM 315

tempo, refugees are filling the land, having enlarged the Jew-
ish element in Palestine, in a generation, from a negligible few
to almost one-third of the entire population. Zionism is defi-
nitely beyond the stage of theory and debate. It is a fait
accompli. Regardless of the aspirations of the founders of
Zionism, regardless of the diversity of programs advocated for
the future of Palestine, the ultimate decision is interwoven
with the fortunes of Great Britain, with the outcome of the
League of Nations, with the future of international history.

Whatever the future will determine, for the present the
upbuilding of Palestine is acceptable to all Jewry, if only as
a shelter of refuge. Therefore, non-Zionists are willing to
work side by side with Zionists to make Palestine more and
more available for oppressed brethren.

More than that, Palestine already shows promise of devel-
oping into a laboratory for the experimentation and discovery
of new social and religious truths, calculated to reward Israel
and, through Israel, all mankind. Scarcely a year after the
Balfour Declaration, the cornerstone for the Hebrew Univer-
sity of Jerusalem was laid on Mount Scopus. All Jewry may
look expectantly to the unique contributions that university
may make in the name of the Jewish people. Moreover, the
majority of the agricultural colonies are organized on the
prophetic principles of social justice and righteousness : these
daring attempts to translate religious doctrine into practical
laws regulating the life of man and the fruits of his labor, may
they not yield lessons in human conduct as tremendous as
those perpetuated in the Bible ? If God's revelation is pro-
gressive, will He hide Himself from men and women who
deliberately direct their thoughts and deeds to the search for
the better life ?

That which began as a dream for political rebirth has, by
force of circumstances, evolved into a real opportunity for
spiritual rebirth. As the nature of Zionism has undergone
change, correspondingly the attitude of Reform leadership
das shifted. The division between Reform and Conservative
3n the basis of Palestine is no longer as decisive as it had been.
The Jewish Institute of Religion, most of whose graduates

316 THUS RELIGION GROWS

occupy Reform pulpits, stresses the new Palestine. The Cen-
tral Conference of American Rabbis official voice of the
Reform rabbinate adopted in the 1935 Conference, by a
large majority, the following significant resolution :

Whereas, At certain conventions of the Central Conference
of American Rabbis, resolutions have been adopted in opposition
to Zionism, and

Whereas, We believe that such an attitude no longer reflects
the sentiment of a very substantial section of the Conference
membership, and

Whereas, We are persuaded that acceptance or rejection of
the Zionist program should be left to the determination of the
individual memoers of the Conference themselves, therefore

Be it Resolved, That the Central Conference of American
Rabbis takes no official stand on the subject of Zionism ; and be
it further

Resolved, That in keeping with its oft-announced intentions,
the Central Conference of American Rabbis will continue to
co-operate in the upbuilding of Palestine, and in the economic,
cultural, and particularly spiritual tasks confronting the growing
and evolving Jewish community there. (C. C. A. R. Yearbook,
Vol. XLV, p. 103.)

More astounding than the resolve to assist economic cul-
tural and spiritual tasks in Palestine is the resolve to "take no
official stand on the subject of Zionism." What a departure
from the stand of the 1885 Pittsburgh Conference : "We con-
sider ourselves no longer a nation, but a religious community,
and therefore expect neither a return to Palestine . . . nor
the restoration of any of the laws concerning the Jewish
state" ! Although an attitude of official neutrality has been
voted, the concept of Jewish nationalism still divides opinion.
Dramatically that was demonstrated at the same 1935 Con-
ference, in the Fiftieth Anniversary discussion of the "Pitts-
burgh platform." "Israel is not a nation in the modern sense
of the word," one presentation (of Samuel Schulman, Ibid,
p. 291) holds; the other (of Abba Hillel Silver, Ibid. p. 339)
with equal force reasons, "It is idle, of course, to talk of our
people as no longer a nation but a religious community, in the

SPIRITUAL REBIRTH IN ZIONISM 317

face of the fact that millions of Jews are today recognized by
the law of nations as national minorities in Poland, Lithuania,
Czechoslovakia, millions more as a distinct nationality in
Soviet Russia . . . and hundreds of thousands in Palestine."

Both, however, concur in opposing the attitude of secular
nationalists who single out just one element of Judaism, the
national, to the exclusion of the religious. But also, both con-
cur in evaluating Judaism as more than just a "church."

Whatever danger there was of Reform reducing Judaism to
a mere cult or a mere philosophy of religion is removed by
current recognition of the peoplehood of Israel. It accepts
the fact that Judaism is a product of the whole Jewish people,
that ideals are created socially as well as individually. It
makes religion consistently coextensive with life.

To the 1936 Central Conference of American Rabbis a
specially appointed committee submitted the following Guid-
ing Principles of Reform Judaism :

In view of the changes that have taken place in the modern
world and the consequent need of stating anew the teachings
of Reform Judaism, and in order to achieve a greater unity of
spirit and purpose within the ranks of its followers, the Central
Conference of American Rabbis feels called upon to make the
following declaration of principles. In the spirit of religious
liberalism we present these principles not as a fixed creed but as
a guide for the progressive elements of American Jewry.

1. Nature of Judaism. Judaism is the historical religious
experience of the Jewish people. As an unbroken chain of living
tradition, it links all the generations of Israel, giving them aim and
direction. While growing out of Jewish experience, the message
of Judaism is universal, aiming at the perfection of all mankind
under the sovereignty of God.

2. Reform Judaism. The primary object of Reform has been
to save the modern Jew for Judaism and Judaism for the modern
Jew. It met the challenge of a changing world by recognizing
the uninterrupted development of Judaism and by applying the
principle of progress consciously to religious as well as to cultural
and social lire. As a child of the Enlightenment, Reform identi-
fied itself with the rationalistic trend in the world of thought.
While still prizing the role of reason in religion, Reform recog-

3 i8 THUS RELIGION GROWS

nizes the no less creative role of emotion in making religion a
vital force in the lives of men.

The declaration goes on to define Ethical Monotheism as
the heart of Judaism and its chief contribution to the world of
religion ; man, as created in the image of God, endowed with
moral freedom, and an active co-worker with God in the
tasks of creation ; the soul, as divine and immortal ; the Torah,
as revealed instruction and law, through nature and the human
spirit, continuous and universal, from the covenant at Sinai
to the present ("though many of its ancient laws, ceremonial
and civil, are no longer operative under the changed condi-
tions of the present, Law continues to be an abiding element
of the Torah in Judaism"), preserving historical norms, prece-
dents and authority ; Israel, as the body of which Judaism is
the soul ; Palestine, as a Jewish homeland for the oppressed
and a center of Jewish cultural and spiritual life ; the mission
of Israel, as the will to live a life of ethical and religious crea-
tiveness. It then defines Jewish Monotheism as ethical that
to love God is to love one's f ellowmen, and to apply the pro-
phetic principles of justice and brotherhood to social as well
as to personal relationships, to the economic order, to industry
and commerce, and to national and international affairs.
Finally, it deals with religious practice : consecration to the
ideals of Judaism and joyous participation in the task and
problems of the Jewish community and its institutions, with
central attention to the synagogue and to prayer, and par-
ticularly to the ceremonies ("and a greater use of Hebrew, by
the side of the vernacular, in our teaching and worship") to
preserve historic consciousness, to hold together a united
people, and to enrich lives with sanctity.

Although no definite action was taken at the 1936 Confer-
ence, the signs are unmistakable that the present generation is
busy reformulating Reform.

JUDAISM AS A CIVILIZATION 319

10. JUDAISM RECONSTRUCTED AS A CIVILIZATION

IN the Conservative interpretation of Judaism, what is the
latest development?

The Conservatives never wavered in their acceptance of
the peoplehood of Israel. It is that avenue of approach that
leads to the most recent reconstruction of Jewish life as a
civilization, in which religion is reckoned as but part of the
total heritage of the Jew. "Judaism is but one of a number
of unique national civilizations guiding humanity toward its
spiritual destiny. It has functioned as a civilization through
its career, and it is only in that capacity that it can function
in the future." That is the conclusion of Mordecai M. Kap-
lan, professor at the (Conservative) Jewish Theological Semi-
nary of America, in his "Judaism as a Civilization" (p. 180).*
To be specific, "it includes that nexus of a history, literature,
language, social organization, folk sanctions, standards of
conduct, social and spiritual ideals, esthetic values, which in
their totality form a civilization" (p. 178).*

If, then, Judaism is a civilization, it becomes necessary to
reshape modern Jewish life so that Judaism may assume its
proper proportions as the modern civilization of the Jew.
"If Judaism is to survive, the Jews must be permitted to con-
stitute an international people, with Palestine as its home-
land. That involves, first, the establishment of Palestine as
a Jewish homeland where Jews can constitute a common-
wealth ; secondly, the insistence upon minority national rights
in those countries where the political structure permits it and
where the Jews can live as cultural groups; thirdly, the or-
ganization of Kehillahs ... in countries where no minority
peoples are recognized" (Mordecai M. Kaplan in The Meno-
rah Journal, "Toward a Reconstruction of Judaism," April
1927, p. 124).

"The Kehillah should be an organization of individual Je\#
who, differ as they may in religious belief and pmctice, arc
agreed that Jewish group life in the Diaspora Jumld iS

* By permission of The Macmillan Co., publishers.

3 2o THUS RELIGION GROWS

tinned and developed. In view of the intellectual and reli-
gious diversity of those constituting such a Kehillah, it would
be organized on party lines. But all parties would have to
agree on the following aims : i . To make it possible for all
Jews, regardless of financial status, to share the benefits of a
Beth- Am or Synagogue. 2. To promote a fully developed
system of Jewish education comprising kindergartens, week-
day afternoon schools, evening courses (both elementary and
advanced) for adults, training schools for rabbis, teachers and
social workers. 3. To maintain philanthropic institutions.
4. To further the upbuilding of Palestine." (Ibid. pp. 125,
126).

In this plan of reconstructing Judaism as a civilization it
would be necessary to reinterpret the ideology, eliminating
the thaumaturgic and supernatural ; to reorganize the laws to
fit into the scheme of organization made possible in the dif-
ferent countries ; to revive Hebrew as the living language of
the Jew, even outside Palestine ; to utilize the creative arts
literature, music, drama, painting, architecture as Jewish
media of expression ; and to humanize religion which must
remain the outstanding element in the civilization, as it was in
the past.

These proposals have gained wide acclaim and acceptance
and have also aroused opposition. Opponents disavow a
humanist version of God and, moreover, are apprehensive of
a dual civilization which may ghettoize the Jew. However,
the presentation of Judaism as a civilization has attracted many
devoted disciples, mainly of the Conservative group. It has
given to Conservatives a much-desired philosophic basis to
what was formerly criticized as but a fragmentary makeshift
between Orthodoxy and Reform. The strength and attrac-
tiveness of the program for reconstruction as a civilization is
its comprehensiveness, its all-inclusiveness, its tangible defi-

JI. CHALLENGE OF THE PRESENT

To arrivjfcfcitmic estimate of the contemporary scene, the
recency o^K& emancipation must be taken into account.

CHALLENGE OF THE PRESENT 321

The ghetto is gone, but its shadow projects into the present
generation. It is not easy in a few decades, or even in a cen-
tury, to wipe out the remembrance of two millennia of depri-
vation. It is too much to expect that so drastic a change of
status, such as the enfranchisement of the Jew involves, would
become permanent without heart-breaking postponements
and frightening reverses. Progress is rarely continuous ; it is
rarely uninterrupted. Mankind presses forward a few paces,
then recedes a step or two ; again mankind surges onward, and
again gives way to recession, only to resume the forward
progress once again like the waves of an incoming tide,
the waves roll forward onto the beach, the undertow with
a mighty drag pulls the waters back, new waves gather and
push onward, again the undertow, and again the waves, until
imperceptibly, inch by inch, the waters have covered the sand.
Because there has been a backward pull, the mistake must not
be made of viewing the backward move as the permanent
one, and the forward surge as merely temporary. History
joins religion in proclaiming the mighty truth : ultimately man
moves forward !

If Nazism and modern anti-Semitism be but reactionary
phases of the struggle for enfranchisement which has never
been completely won, if it be that the new emancipation has
not had time to mature, would it not be folly because of a
temporary setback to withdraw into a pre-emancipation
type of communal organization, to foster a confined minority
life, and to abandon all hope of complete participation in the
citizenship and civilization of the nation of one's birth and
residence ?

The sudden catapult into the modern life has imposed
countless tasks. To cope with them, new Jewish institutions
have come into being. For almost eighteen hundred years
the synagogue had been the focus of Jewish life. In the
synagogue of each community, Jews had worshipped ; there
they had studied ; there they had given and received charity ;
there they had voiced the hope for the restoration to the Holy
Land; there they had met to discuss the problems 6f the
day problems civic, political, economic; there they had

322 THUS RELIGION GROWS

planned for the happier future of Jewry. Then the nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries saw a sudden splitting away
of erstwhile synagogal functions from that central institution
of historic Judaism.

Now Jewish Community Centers seek to satisfy the social
and physical and educational interests of contemporary
Jewry. Zionist organizations and the Jewish Agency con-
cern themselves with the rehabilitation of Palestine. The
American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress
and the B'nai B'rith Order concentrate on combating anti-
Semitism and perpetuating the gains of emancipation. Jewish
labor groups turn to their own economic and industrial dif-
ficulties. Jewish Welfare Federations and the Joint Distribu-
tion Committee look after relief, philanthropy and social wel-
fare. Each sphere of endeavor is important in itself and in
the totality of Jewish life ; each requires specialization to deal
with the complex problems, each calls for and is entitled to
the utmost support.

What then remains within the synagogue ? Religion in
its narrower sense, namely : worship, sermons, religious edu-
cation. The synagogue thus finds itself in a weakened con-
dition, for even if it can produce inspiration, the worshipper
must, in most instances, look elsewhere for an opportunity to
give practical expression to that inspiration.

More serious than the effect on the synagogue, the process
of decentralization has secularized much of Jewish activity
which had formerly depended on religious motivation, or had
served as a means for the expression of religious stimulation.
Absorption in these sundry activities has frequently resulted
in indifference to the religion itself.

Throughout history, religion was central to the Jew.
From the beginning in the wanderings through the desert,
religion true to the root-meaning of the word "tied to-
gether" the tribes of Israel. In the bondage of Egypt, reli-
gion enshrined, as a guiding star, the goal of freedom. In the
conquest of Canaan, religion yielded the power for victory.
In the Babylonian exile, religion took on new meaning, ex-

CHALLENGE OF THE PRESENT 323

tended its horizon, and revealed the knowledge that even in
Babylon the Jew could worship God, for One God fills the
universe. In the Roman exile, when political independence,
homeland and nationality, were annihilated, religion it was
that saved the Jew from the fate of other conquered nations
total extermination and oblivion. In the lands of the dias-
pora, however far-flung, religion radiated a unifying code of
conduct and the individual Jew it cloaked with a protective
mantle.

Right up to the modern period, what gave the Jew the
desire to remain a Jew was the tenacious belief that he was
chosen to demonstrate, by the manner of life he lived, the
truth of his religion. If, in the modern period, the incentive
is gone, if the heart and substance of Judaism is no more, will
the miracle of survival continue ? Moreover, if the Jew no
longer lives his religion, how can he demonstrate its truth ?

Indeed, to provide relief for fellow- Jews is essential, to or-
ganize facilities for recreation and study is essential, to en-
courage the settling of pioneers in Palestine is essential, to
continue the fight for equality is essential, but to keep alive
the religion is quintessential. Religion gives vital meaning
to all the other departments of Jewish activity.

The spiritual needs of the individual Jew in his own imme-
diate day-to-day life must not be ignored. He has his own
personal problems no less than those which derive from mem-
bership in the Jewish group. As a mill cannot be kept going
with the water that has already flowed past, so religious nour-
ishment cannot be provided with mere statements of what the
Jewish religion has meant to former generations. Regardless
of whatever else it may include, Judaism must among other
things serve the present as a religion. The mistake must
not be made of becoming so obsessed with the battle against
anti-Semitism, or with raising funds for relief or charity, or
with stimulating a renascence of Jewish culture all neces-
saryas to lose sight of the unnumbered thousands who
desert Judaism for other religious groups in an honest setrch
for religious comfort and strength. It is hardly adequate to

3 2 4 THUS RELIGION GROWS

hurl at these the reminder that Judaism can offer all that any
other religion can. The duty of Judaism is to do it, not to
argue that it can do it.

12. PROGRAMS FOR THE RELIGION OF THE JEW

ALTHOUGH certain vital activities have been withdrawn from
the synagogue, the task of the synagogue is not a whit easier.
Its task is infinitely more difficult than ever before. Never
before has religion all organized religion found itself in so
weakened and precarious a condition.

"Acids of modernity" have eaten into the very foundations
of religion. Most serious has been the damage done by the
downfall of supernatural revelation. As a result of modern
thought and the literary and historical criticism of the Bible,
an increasing number of intelligent people refuse henceforth
to believe that the Bible contains the absolute will of God,
directly revealed by Him for all time ; therefore, while they
may continue to reverence the holy Book, they no longer
feel under obligation to obey it. Thus the old inner com-
pelling power of religion is gone, and whatever external force
for obedience the synagogue could impose came to an end
with the termination of Jewish group autonomy, as the price
of political emancipation ; in the non-Jewish environment, the
separation of church and state has transferred to the state
many of the powers formerly exercised by the church. In
addition, the comparative study of primitive and contem-
porary religions tends to prompt one to reconsider the validity
of his own religion ; at the same time, the modern sciences
psychology particularly demand a revaluation of all the
primary concepts and practices of religion. While these
corrosive forces are acting upon the historic religions, the
modern world holds out alluring substitute interests : the self-
sufficient pleasure seeking of city-life, the inspiration of the
modem culture, the absorption in day-to-day problems and
causes, the primacy of economic and political problems.
Staggering is the moral obligation of the synagogue.

To bring religion to the indifferent and to convey the dis-

PROGRAMS FOR THE RELIGION 325

tinctive value of Judaism to accomplish less than that is to
fail.

To that end, what are the current programs in Judaism ?

First, there is traditional Orthodoxy, with its stronghold in
Eastern European and in Oriental countries where emancipa-
tion is too recent to have made inroads. Unaffected by the
"acids of modernity," this Orthodoxy adheres to the rabbinic
interpretation of Biblical Judaism, as crystallized in the Shul-
han Aruk of the sixteenth century. It is based upon the
divine revelation to Moses and his spiritual successors, through
the Written and Oral Law. Within Orthodoxy there is still
the division between the Hasidim and the Mitnaggedim,
although the former are rapidly diminishing. Within Ortho-
doxy there is the additional distinction between the Sephar-
dim, who live (or whose traceable ancestors lived) in Spain,
Portugal, and the northern regions of Africa bordering on
the Mediterranean, and the larger group known as the Ash-
kenazim, which includes all the other Jews. The religious
distinctions between one group and another consist largely in
differences of ritual, of local customs and practices.

The strength of the Orthodox position is the same which
preserved Judaism through the centuries. On the basis of
the unquestioned supernatural revelation, the Orthodox Jew
believes that God is guiding him whatever happens, that of
all the peoples of the earth he is the elect of God, that immor-
tality will be his in the realm beyond, and that ultimate victory
and vindication will be his for all his sufferings. Such belief
and trust, if sincerely held, makes religion the most important
thing in life worthy of every sacrifice, of the utmost loy-
alty, of martyrdom even.

The one question which looms large is : how long can this
belief last? How soon will the "acids of modernity" seep
through, into the isolated towns and villages of the old coun-
try ? What will be the result of this "acid" test ? Consider
what has become of Orthodox Judaism in Russia. With
revolutionary suddenness and revolutionary ruthlessness the
industrial, the philosophical, the scientific and the political
forces of this new age have struck at the Jewry of Russia,

326 THUS RELIGION GROWS

which only a generation ago was the stronghold of Ortho-
doxy, a blow so devastating as to have turned an entire gener-
ation of hundreds of thousands of Jews into total atheists and
militant iconoclasts. Obviously, the security of Orthodoxy
delicately hangs in the balance, contingent upon the political
and industrial onslaught which threatens to invade the lands
where Orthodoxy still reigns.

In Western Europe, in England, in America, in all places
where the Jew has rubbed shoulders with the modern world,
his religion has faced the manifold challenge in three ways
the way of the neo-Orthodox, the way of the Conservative,
the way of the Reform.

Neo-Orthodoxy is the Orthodoxy that persists even after
contact with the new world. It is no longer the same Ortho-
doxy. It is Orthodoxy on the defensive. It is Orthodoxy
notwithstanding modernity ! It harks back to the valiant ef-
fort of Samson Raphael Hirsch (1808-1888) to compel the
modern Jew to live up to the requirements of Orthodoxy. It
is an attempt at adjustment without sacrificing the traditional
religion. The aim of life, it holds, is to obey the will of
God, as revealed in the Torah ; God's will is eternal there-
fore, foremost consideration must be given to the demands of
God and not to the demands of the modern world.

In his widely read text on neo-Orthodoxy, "The Jewish
Religion," M. Friedlander states at the outset (p. 3) that "ab-
struse, metaphysical disquisitions about the essence and the
attributes of the Divine Being will be avoided in the present
work, as also every attempt at proving, philosophically or
mathematically, truths which have been revealed to us in a
supernatural way . . . and it will be shown that these
truths are not contradicted by common sense or by the re-
sults of scientific research." Further, he maintains (p. 4)
that "there can be no compromise in religion, whether in mat-
ters of faith or of practice. Convinced of a certain number
of truths, it is impossible for us to abandon any of them with-
out being false to ourselves ; being convinced of the binding
character of certain religious commands and prohibitions, it
would be perverse to pronounce at the same time part of them

PROGRAMS FOR THE RELIGION 327

as superfluous. Judaism is the adherence to the truths taught
in the Holy Law, and the faithful obedience to its precepts."

Neo-Orthodoxy introduces very slight modifications which
are not contrary to tradition, recognizes the need for decorum
and esthetics, and is on the alert to enrich traditional observ-
ance with that supplementation which holy Law allows. It
recognizes the wisdom of modern training and organization,
as evidenced by the founding of Yeshivah College of Ameri-
ca (1896), the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations
(1898), the Chicago Hebrew Theological College (1921),
and by the publication of explanatory literature.

The theological strength of neo-Orthodoxy is its complete
reliance on the supernatural revelation, its hope for salvation
in the world-to-come, the inner peace which derives from the
trust that God rules the destiny of men and nations and that
He will provide in the future as He did in the past. Once
the premise of the complete supernatural revelation is ac-
cepted, neo-Orthodoxy becomes a full, soul-satisfying reli-
gion of deed and belief. That premise is the cornerstone.
On it everything depends. Unquestionably there are those
Jews who can accept it, even as there are Christians (the
"fundamentalists") who accept the supernatural revelation of
the Bible. The scientific attitude, though, as well as the re-
sults of Bible criticism are ever present to confound. There
are practical difficulties too. Can the ceremonial require-
ments be fulfilled in the new industrial era? Can worship
thrice daily be punctiliously observed, can the demands of
the Sabbath and Holidays be adequately fulfilled, in a setting
which joins Jew with non-Jew in economic enterprise ? As
a simple example of the countless problems to be faced : it is
forbidden to ride in an elevator on the Sabbath consider the
limitations imposed on a New York resident in a penthouse.
Sacrifice of a heroic order is demanded by neo-Orthodoxy.
To be sure, one must be unalterably, unshakably convinced
of its theological foundation.

The Conservative group, following the "positive historical"
approach of Zachariah Frankel and Solomon Schechter, shift
the emphasis from theological distinctions to sociological ones.

328 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Some Conservatives continue to accept the supernatural reve-
lation of Torah completely ; some do not. All of the Con-
servatives, however, regard as primary the people of Israel,
viewing Judaism as the religious expression of the Jewish his-
toric group, and maintaining that even if certain religious
attitudes and practices are untenable from a theological stand-
point they should be adhered to and observed because of their
historic group values. For that reason mainly, Conservative
Judaism is conservative in its reforms preferring to retain
Hebrew, ceremonials, traditions, whatever be the results of
modern research.

Conservative Judaism has been criticized as "timid Re-
form" ; if that be a weakness, it is a weakness which has served
a valuable purpose, for this very timidity and reluctance did
much to check immoderate Reform, to keep Reform more
"Jewish" than it might otherwise have become. Now that a
conservative tendency is beginning to show itself in the ranks
of Reform, perhaps the Conservatives have done their work
so well that before long their reason for a separate existence
will cease.

The same is true of the right wing of Conservative Juda-
ism. That has been criticized as "tepid Orthodoxy," differ-
ing from neo-Orthodoxy in that it is less rigid, less exacting,
prone to ignore traditional requirements which are almost im-
possible of fulfillment in modern city-life, responsive to the
need for expedient measures to attract youth. These tenden-
cies have served to render neo-Orthodoxy more flexible and
more modern. Conservatives of the right wing have done
their work so well that perhaps before long they too will have
no reason for separate existence.

"Judaism as a Civilization," with its full program of Zion-
ist endeavor and its completely outlined plan for reconstruct-
ing Jewish communal life in the diaspora, is providing for
many of the Conservative leaders that distinctive platform
which will go toward strengthening the Conservative position.

Reform seeks to revaluate both the theory and practice,
both the theology and observance, of Judaism to arrive at a

PROGRAMS FOR THE RELIGION 329

harmony of the two in pursuance of an unhampered search
for religious truth, while yet remaining true to the spirit and
continuity of Jewish tradition. Accepting the findings of
science and of the critical analysis of the Bible and Talmud,
Reform does not accept Torah neither Written nor Oral
as the final truth supernaturally revealed at Sinai, but instead
teaches that God reveals Himself progressively in the life of
man, of mankind, of nations, of nature. As the Bible and Tal-
mud were originally expressive of a selective process, so may
each generation select and choose, discarding that in ceremonial
or in ethical teaching or in theology which is outgrown, care-
fully retaining that which experience and history have proven
valuable, and introducing new elements which may deepen
religious feeling and conduct. The history of Reform has
taught caution with regard to discarding the old and intro-
ducing the new, lest the connecting link with the Jewish
past be broken, lest the living religion etherealize into mere
philosophy.

Where freedom of inquiry is encouraged, a variety of
trends are prone to develop. In Reform, there is that group
which places foremost the practical interpretation of Judaism
in terms of social justice, as applied to modern social ills;
there is that group which places foremost the theological ad-
justment of Judaism with the upheavals of science, the new
astronomy, the new chemistry, the new physics, the new psy-
chology, the new philosophy ; there is that group which places
foremost the peoplehood of Israel, the necessity for more ex-
tensive Jewish education, the revival of ceremonials and of
ignored traditions ; there is that group which places foremost
the upbuilding of Palestine ; there is that group which places
foremost the "mission" principle that the Jew has an appointed
responsibility of bringing true religion to the nations of the
earth and thus to universalize the values of Judaism. Each
trend is a facet of Reform, through which new light enters,
adding new blends of coloring to the daring task of enabling
Judaism to live on, even when assimilating all that modernity
offers.

330 THUS RELIGION GROWS

13. WHAT OF THE FUTURE?

WHAT will be the outcome of Orthodoxy, neo-Orthodoxy,
Conservatism, Reform? When the "acids of modernity"
will eat more deeply into the historic foundations of Judaism
as they will, if the process of emancipation resumes its
pace will the religion succeed in building new foundations,
sturdy foundations, foundations that will present anything
like the solidity which Rabbinic Judaism had cemented ?

When the Sinaitic supernatural revelation of the Torah
crumples, the religion must begin once more with funda-
mentals. Old questions call for new answers. Is there a
God ? Is there a God with whom man may enter into rela-
tionship ? How does God reveal His will to man ? What
is God's will ? Why should man obey it ? What is the rela-
tion between organized religion and God? Why should
Judaism continue separate, a minority religion? For how
long ? Why should the Jew remain a Jew ?

The answers that Judaism will proffer must be dynamic,
unequivocal, rooted in the facts of the universe. It will not
be sufficiently affirmative to conclude that there is no conflict
between science and religion, that God may have existence.
Half-hearted faith is almost as bad as no faith. Lukewarm
faith makes little difference in conditioning an individual's
thoughts or deeds. To admit the existence of God, and not
to dwell upon the profound, never-ending implications of that
admission, is of little consequence. Ardent, positive faith
makes all the difference in the world. To say "God is"
and to mean it deeply is to deny that life is chaotic, to deny
that man is a clod of coarse materialism, to deny that right-
eousness and justice are but products of a mode of reasoning
which may have its day only to yield finally to brute force.
To accept a living, throbbing God is to fill life with all-
encompassing purpose and with all-powerful control.

Religion is not concerned simply with values, but with
values grounded in the world order. That is the significant
summary of A. N. Whitehead ("Religion in the Making")
and it indicates the size of the task in the reconstruction of the

WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 331

Jewish religion. Only such a reconstruction can engender
ardent faith.

No faith could have been more ardent than that of the
Israelites in the formative period of Judaism. How did they
acquire it ? How did they come to know God ? What led
them to dedicate their lives to Him ? When the ancient
tribes of Israel caught occasional glimpses of divinity, it was
often in some dramatic event which they shared with nature.
The chain of phenomena which led to the Exodus from Egypt
and to the conquest of Canaan proved providential. If not
for the saving events, the Israelites would not have survived.
The forces of nature and the fate of nations combined to
reveal purpose in the world order, to reveal God's purpose.
There were those who had the genius, the insight, who were
attuned, to understand and interpret what was revealed.
Thus the religion of Israel began ; thus it grew ; thus it under-
went correction and expansion.

Learning from the past, Judaism of the future must again
sink its roots in the world order. It must again study nature.
It must study more closely the "accidents" of nature, and of
history too, "accidents" which have so vitally determined the
course of human history and destiny. If these reveal the pur-
pose of God, is the revelation less binding than the revelation
of one moment on a Mount Sinai? What, after all, is the
definition of "supernatural" revelation? True, progressive
revelation is not complete at any one stage, and, moreover,
may be erroneously sensed or interpreted. But it is grounded
in the world order !

The problem of evil and suffering continues to perplex
those who would believe in a good God. The religion of
the future must increasingly take nature into account. So
much "undeserved" suffering is caused by nature. It is pos-
sible that the concept "sin" must be enlarged to include
"ignorance." Through ignorance or neglect of nature's in-
violable laws, afflictions plague mankind. Increased knowl-
edge will bring increased control. With closer attention to
man's relation to nature, it would be well for Judaism to
inquire again into the healing power of religion, also to in-

33 2 THUS RELIGION GROWS

quire again as to whether (on the basis of modern science)
the body is not immortal as is the soul. Moreover, which
of the moral laws derive from the laws of nature ? There
is the natural law of consequences of cause and effect
with widespread moral implications. Are there others?

If nature and history reveal purpose, the Jew may base on
good grounds the claim of having been chosen for a mission.
His remarkable perseverance and his no less remarkable
career, when viewed as interwoven in the fabric of the world
order, is sufficiently impressive to arouse in the Jew a passion
for self-rededication to God. The world-wide crisis in his-
toric religions which has materialized in the twentieth century
may offer the Jew the long-awaited opportunity to show the
world-at-large his spiritual wares. Certainly never before has
the world so forcibly felt the need for justice for society
and for sanctification for the individual. Perhaps the time has
come to convey to all mankind the spiritual truths which the
history of the Jewish people has revealed, not with the pur-
pose of compelling conversion, but with the avowed purpose
of allowing the intrinsic truth and value of the religious ex-
perience to create a new heart and a new soul.

For the Jew there must be a deepening of the mystic and
moral as well as the intellectual approach to God. Prayer
must be made more spontaneous, more soul-searching. On
the new basis of reconstruction, for old obligations which
have been discarded, new ones must be evolved ; as the
prophets translated their conception of God and the universe
into requirements of the Law, so the new understanding
must be translated into tangible requirements. The syna-
gogue must be brought within reach of all Jews, the poor,
the rich, the professionals, the educated, the uneducated. It
must never tire in contrasting the God-filled life with the
godless life. It must clearly enunciate wherein Judaism is to
be distinguished from other religions, and, no less, what Juda-
ism holds in common with them.

If Reform and the left wing of Conservatives have gained
only a moderate measure of success in meeting the challenge
of modernity, it is because the adjustment calls for so much.

WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 333

In the past Judaism met every crisis, and emerged the stronger.
In the modern setting the combination of obstacles is of un-
precedented proportions. Therefore the two fundamentals
of the religion must receive the major attention. First, God
must be made part of life; secondly, the revelation of His
purpose must be sought in the world order. If Judaism can
take unto itself all that is valuable in the modern world and
then relate it to those two fundamentals, then will Judaism
meet the crisis and advance that much nearer to the goal of
truth. That is how religion grows !

In the meantime, the average Jew who concerns himself
with his Jewishness, aware of the contradictory lanes of
thought, is frequently dismayed, and the average non-Jew is
somewhat puzzled.

"What of the Jewish future ?" the Jew asks. "Are we to
continue to dissipate our energies, wrangling, competing, be-
littling? Certainly, if ever a generation needed unity, it is
this one." It would be well, therefore, to recall the two
phases in the evolution of Judaism. True, there were the
many centuries when the Talmud held sway and when unity
of observance and belief prevailed. But it is equally true that
there was a time, before this, of flux and change, a period of
rapid growth, of transition and seeking, and it was during
that period that the most astounding truths of Judaism
dawned on the Jew. Unity? There was no unity then.
Many highways led to the knowledge of God. There was
the way of the mystic Psalmist. There was the way of the
practical prophet, absorbed in the social and political problems
of his day. There was the way of the priest, with his awe-
inspiring paraphernalia. There was the way of the doubting
philosopher, of Job, of Ecclesiastes. Over these many high-
ways they each sought the direction to God. Out of the
conflicts, the overlappings, the recessions and the advances,
Judaism grew to maturity.

Transition is, then, a sign of life. Definitely Judaism is
moving into an era of vigorous creation. The variety of
programs for the future is token of that vigor. If honest
difference of opinion be the cause of factions, it would be

334 THUS RELIGION GROWS

folly to desire a dishonest unity. All honest programs are
needed. "Elu we-Elu Dibre Elohim Hayim" (Talmud:
Erubin 10 b) the living God speaks through them all. Who
can say which will show the way out of the crisis ? Time
alone can tell. Each group should conscientiously follow its
own course. The turn of events, the pressure of the environ-
ment, the genius of the people, will determine the manner in
which the religion will grow. The unity that arches over all
the factions is the unity of continued growth. That is
supreme.

One thing is essential. That is a loyalty to the people of
Israel. As long as the people of Israel remains, there will be
a religion of Israel. Ever must there be the people. Even in
atheistic Russia, as long as the people retain its individual
identity, there is hope : atheism will die and a new Judaism
will arise. Therefore, whatever be the platform or the phi-
losophy that will inspire the Jew to remain a Jew, that pro-
gram or philosophy is lending its strength to the perpetuation
of the Jewish religion. In the century from 1830 to 1930,
it is estimated, the Jewish population of the world has in-
creased five-fold. If Judaism has weakened, the Jewish
people at least has strengthened. The continuance of a Jew-
ish people guarantees a future for Judaism.

There have been those who have bemoaned their fate to be
born Jewish, because of the sacrifices which are demanded of
a minority group. But also there have been those who have
embraced their destiny to be born within a group whom
providence has chosen for a definite, though not thoroughly
revealed, purpose. He who is truly convinced by the amaz-
ing story of Judaism that the Jews are a people of destiny
gladly takes his place in the workings of destiny.

Thus a religion grows : thus it is born . . . thus it lives
on ... thus it faces the future . . . the religion of the Jew.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE works cited contain the results of research into the in-
dividual phases of Judaism, without which a volume such as
this would not have been possible. The bibliography is lim-
ited to books in English. Fuller references, including studies
in foreign languages, are to be found in the works mentioned.
As far as practicable, the arrangement hereunder follows the
order in which the subjects have been presented.

GENERAL REFERENCES
History

Graetz, H., "History of the Jews." 6 vols. Jewish Pub. So-
ciety, Phila. (translated from German), 1891-1902.

Mann, J., "Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature."
Vol. I, Hebrew Union College Press, Cincinnati, 1931. Vol.
II, Jewish Publication Society, Phila., 1935.

Margolis, M. L., and A. Marx, "A History of the Jewish People."
Jewish Pub. Society, Phila., 1927.

Sachar, A. L., "A History of the Jews." Knopf, New York,
1930.

Waxman, M., "A History of Jewish Literature." 2 vols. Bloch,
New York, 1930-33.

Religion

The Jewish Encyclopedia, ed. by I. Singer and Board. 12 vols.
(authoritative treatment of individual subjects and personali-
ties). Funk & Wagnalls, New York, 1901-1906.

Encyclopedia of Jewish Knowledge, ed. by J. De Haas. Behr-
man, New York, 1934.

Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. by J. Hastings. 13 vols.
Scribner's, New York, 1908-1921.

Encyclopedia Britannica, i4th edition. (Articles : Jews, Judaism,
Jewish Philosophy, Bible, Hebrew Religion, Palestine, Zion-

335

336 THUS RELIGION GROWS

ism, etc.) 24 vols. Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., New
York, 1929.

Barton, G. A., "The Religions of the World." Univ. of Chicago

Press, Chicago, 1920.
Hopkins, E. W., "The History of Religions." Macmillan, New

York, 1918.
Moore, G. F., "History of Religions." Vol. II. Scribner's,

New York, 1919.
Reinach, S., "Orpheus. A History of Religions." Liveright,

New York (transl.), 1930.

Abrahams, I., "Judaism." Open Court Pub. Co., Chicago, 1907.
, "Some Permanent Values in Judaism." Clarendon Press,

Oxford, 1924.
Bevan, E. R., and C. Singer, "The Legacy of Israel." Clarendon

Press, Oxford, 1927.
Dembitz, L. N., "Jewish Services in Synagogue and Home."

Jewish Pub. Society, Phila., 1898.
Geiger, A., "Judaism and its History." Bloch, New York, (1865)

transl. 1911.

Idelsohn, I. Z., "The Ceremonies of Judaism." Union of Amer-
ican Hebrew Congregations, Cincinnati, 1930.
Jacobs, J., "Jewish Contributions to Civilization." Jewish Pub.

Society, New York, 1919.
Joseph, M., "Judaism as Creed and Life." Routledge, London,

1925.

Lazarus, M., "The Ethics of Judaism." 2 vols. Jewish Pub. So-
ciety, Phila., 1900-01.
Montefiore, C. G., "The Old Testament and After." Macmillan,

London, 1923.
Rail, H. F., and S. S. Cohon, "Judaism and Christianity Compare

Notes." Macmillan, New York, 1927.
Rosenau, W., "Jewish Ceremonial Institutions and Customs."

Bloch, New York, 1925.
Schechter, S., "Studies in Judaism." Jewish Pub. Society, Phila.,

3 Series: 1896, 1908, 1924.
Jewish Quarterly Review, old series. Macmillan, London, vols.

1-20, 1889-1908.

, new series. Dropsie College, Phila., since 1910 (vol. i).

The Hebrew Union College Annual. Cincinnati, since 1924

(vol. i).

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 337

The Menorah Journal, ed. by H. Hurwitz. Intercollegiate
Menorah Assn., New York, since 1915 (vol. i).

CHAPTER I
History

Cambridge Ancient History, (relevant chapters). 10 vols.

Macmillan, New York, 1923.
Oesterley, W. O. E., and T. H. Robinson, "A History of Israel."

2 vols. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1932.
Smith, G. A., "The Historical Geography of the Holy Land."

25th ed., R. Long and R. R. Smith, New York, 193*2.
Smith, H. P., "Old Testament History." Scribner's, New York,

1921.

Garstang, J., "The Foundations of Bible History: Joshua;
Judges." R. R. Smith, New York, 1931.

Bevan, E. R., "Jerusalem under the High Priests." Arnold, Lon-
don, 1912.

Radin, M., "The Jews Among the Greeks and Romans." Jewish
Pub. Society, Phila., 1915.

, "The Life of the People in Biblical Times." Jewish Pub.

Society, Phila., 1929.

Religion

The Old Testament Versions : King James, American Revised,

Jewish Publication Society.
The Apocrypha.

Dictionary of the Bible, ed. by J. Hastings. 4 vols. Scribner's,

New York, 1898-1902.
Encyclopedia Biblica, ed. by T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black. 4

vols. Macmillan, New York, 1899-1903.
International Critical Commentary on Holy Scriptures. 19 vols.

Scribner's, New York.

Driver, S. R., "Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testa-
ment." Scribner's, New York, 1920.

Margolis, M. L., "The Hebrew Scriptures in the Making." Jew-
ish Pub. Society, Phila., 1922.

338 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Smith, W. R., "The Religion of the Semites." Macmillan, New
York, 1927.

Buttenwieser, M., "The Prophets of Israel." Macmillan, New
York, 1914.

, "The Book of Job." Macmillan, New York, 1925.

Morgenstern, J., "The Book of Genesis." Union of American
Hebrew Congregations, Cincinnati, 1919.

, "The Foundations of Israel's History," in Yearbook of

Central Conference of American Rabbis, vol. xxv. (For ad-
ditional Bible studies, see H.U.C. Annual, vol. x, p. 4; also
vol. xi, pp. 1-122.)

Carter, G. W., "Zoroastrianism and Judaism." Badger, Boston,
1918.

Charles, R. H., "The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old
Testament in English." 2 vols. Clarendon Press, Oxford,
1913.

Barton, G. A., "The Religion of Israel." Macmillan, New York,

1918.
, "Archaeology and the Bible." American Sunday-School

Union, Phila., 1925.
Budde, K., "The Religion of Israel Before the Exile." Putnam,

New York, 1899.
Kautzsch, E., "Religion of Israel," in Dictionary of the Bible,

Extra Vol., pp. 642-734.
Kittel, R., "The Religion of the People of Israel." Macmillan,

New York, 1925.
Oesterley, W. O. E., and T. H. Robinson, "Hebrew Religion, Its

Origin and Development." Macmillan, New York, 1930.
Smith, H. P., "The Religion of Israel." Scribner's, New York,

1914.

CHAPTER II

History

Cambridge Medieval History, (particularly the text and bibliog-
raphy in vol. vii). 8 vols. Macmillan, New York, 1913-
1936.

Schurer, E., "A History of the Jewish People in the Time of
Jesus Christ." 3 vols. Clark, Edinburgh, (transl.) 1897-8.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 339

Mann, J., "The Jews in Egypt and Palestine under the Fatimids."

2 vols. Oxford Press, London, 1920-22.
Husik, I., "A History of Medieval Jewish Philosophy." Jewish

Pub. Society, Phila., (2nd ed.) 1930.
Roth, C, "History of the Marranos." Jewish Pub. Society,

Phila., 1932.

Religion

The Talmud and Midrashim. (Authentic English translation in

preparation.)

Herford, R. T., "Pharisaism." Putnam, New York, 1912.
Lauterbach, J. Z., "Midrash and Mishnah." Bloch, New York,

1916.
Mielziner, M., "Introduction to the Talmud." Bloch, New York,

(3rd ed.) 1925.
Moore, G. F., "Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian

Era." 3 vols. Harvard Univ. Press, Cambridge, 1930, 32.
Schechter, S., "Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology." Macmil-

lan, New York, 1909.
Strack, H. L., "Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash. Jewish

Pub. Society, Phila., 1931.

The New Testament Versions : King James and American Re-
vised.

Enelow, H. G., "A Jewish View of Jesus." Bloch, New York,
1920.

Klausner, J., "Jesus of Nazareth." Macmillan, New York,
(transl.) 1929.

Landman, I., "Christian and Jew." Liveright, New York, 1929.

Montefiore, C. G., "Rabbinic Literature and Gospel Teachings."
Macmillan, London, 1930.

, "The Synoptic Gospels." Macmillan, London, 1927.

Josephus, Works of, 4 vols., Loeb Classical Library, London,
1926-30.

Bentwich, N., "Philo-Judaeus of Alexandria." Jewish Pub. So-
ciety, Phila., 1910.

Gaster, M., "The Samaritans." Oxford Univ. Press, London,
1925.

The Koran, translated in Everyman's Library edition. Dutton's,
New York, 1918.

340 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Torrey, C. G, "Jewish Foundations of Islam." Jewish Institute
of Religion, New York, 1933.

The Zohar, translated into English by H. Sperling. 5 vols., Lon-
don, 1931-34.
Abelson, J., "Jewish Mysticism." Bell, London, 1913.

t
Abrahams, I., and D. Yellin, "Maimonides." Jewish Pub. Society,

Phila., (2nd ed.) 1935.

Halper, B., "Post-Biblical Hebrew Literature." Jewish Pub.
Society, Phila., 1921.

Lieber, M., "Rashi." Jewish Pub. Society, Phila., 1926.

Maker, H., "Saadia Gaon, His Life and Works." Jewish Pub.
Society, Phila., 1921.

The Schiff Library of Jewish Classics (Selected poems of Solo-
mon ibn Gabirol, Jehudah Halevi, Moses ibn Ezra; Ethical
Wills; Mekilta de Rabbi Ishmael; etc.) Jewish Pub. So-
ciety, Phila., since 1914.

Greenstone, J., "Messiah Idea in Jewish History." Jewish Pub.

Society, Phila., 1906.
Silver, A. H., "A History of Messianic Speculation in Israel."

Macmillan, New York, 1927.

Zangwill, L, "Dreamers of the Ghetto." Harpers, New York,

Abrahams, L, "Jewish Life in the Middle Ages." Goldston, Lon-
don, (2nd ed.) 1932.

Finkelstein, L., "Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages."
Jewish Theolog. Sem. of Amer., New York, 1924.

CHAPTER III
History

Cohen, L, "Jewish Life in Modern Times." Dodd Mead, New
York, (2nd ed.) 1929.

Raisin, M., "A History of the Jews in Modern Times." Hebrew
Pub. Co., New York, 1919.

Ruppin, A., "The Jews in the Modern World." Macmillan, Lon-
don, (2nd ed.) 1934.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 341

Dubnow, S. M., "History of the Jews in Russia and Poland." 3

vols. Jewish Pub. Society, Phila., (transl.) 1916-20.
Hyamson, A. M., "History of the Jews in England." Methuen,

London, (znd ed.), 1928.
Lowenthal, M., "The Jews of Germany." Jewish Pub. Society,

Phila., 1936.
Marcus, J. R., "The Rise and Destiny of the German Jew."

Union of American Hebrew Congregations, Cincinnati, 1934.
Yarmolinsky, A., "Jews and Other Minor Nationalities under the

Soviets." Vanguard, New York, 1928.

Goldstein, I., "A Century of Judaism in New York." Cong.

B'nai Jeshurun, New York, 1930.
Levinger, L. J., "A History of the Jews in the United States."

Union of American Hebrew Congregations, Cincinnati, 1930.
Wiernick, P., "History of the Jews in America." Jewish History

Pub., New York, (revised ed.) 1931.

De Haas, J., "A History of Palestine." Macmillan, New York,

J 934-

Gottheil, R. J. H., "Zionism." Jewish Pub. Society, Phila., 1914.
Sokolow, N., "History of Zionism." 2 vols. Longmans, Green,

London, 1919.
Stein, L., "Zionism." E. Benn, London, 1925.

Philipson, D., "The Reform Movement in Judaism." Macmillan,
New York, (2nd ed.) 1931.

Religion

Newman, L. L, "The Hasidic Anthology." Scribner's, New
York, 1934.

, "Jewish Influence on Christian Reform Movements." Co-
lumbia Univ. Press, New York, 1925.

Walter, H., "Moses Mendelssohn." Bloch, New York, 1930.

Cohon, S. S., "What We Jews Believe." Union of American

Hebrew Congregations, Cincinnati, 1931.
Kohler, K., "Jewish Theology Systematically and Historically

Considered." Macmillan, New York, 1918.
Montefiore, C. G., "Outlines of Liberal Judaism." Macmillan,

London, 1912.

342 THUS RELIGION GROWS

Yearbooks of Central Conference of American Rabbis (ed. by I.

Marcuson). Cincinnati, since 1890 (vol. i).
Jewish Tracts, (25 pamphlets). Union of American Hebrew

Congregations and Central Conference of American Rabbis,

Cincinnati.
Papers for Jewish People. The Jewish Religious Union, London.

Ahad Haam, "Selected Essays." Translated by L. Simon. Jew-

ish Pub. Society, Phila., 1912.
Lewisohn, L., "Israel." Boni & Liveright, New York, 1925.

Friedlander, M., "The Jewish Religion." Valentine, London,

1913.
Hirsch, S. R., "The Nineteen Letters of Ben Uziel." Funk &

Wagnalls, New York, 1899.
The Jewish Library Series, ed. by L. Jung. The Jewish Library

Pub. Co., New York, 3 Series: 1928, 31, 36.

Dinin, S., "Judaism in a Changing Civilization." Columbia Univ.
Press, New York, 1933.

Ginzberg, L., "Students, Scholars and Saints." Jewish Pub. So-

ciety, Phila., 1928.
Kaplan, M. M., "Judaism as a Civilization." Macmillan, New

York, 1934.
Schechter, S., "Seminary Addresses." Ark Pub. Co., Cincinnati,

Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly of America. Jewish
Theo. Seminary, New York, since 1927 (vol. i).

INDEX

Aaron, 18, 62, 82

Abaye, Babylonian Amora, 167

Ab Bet Din, 146

Ab, Ninth of, 133, 141, 209, 244

Abot, see Pirke Abot

Abraham, Patriarch, 6, 8f., n, 65,
171, 221

Abraham ben David, of Posquieres,
216

Abrahams, Israel, quoted, 255

Abtahon, one of "The Pairs," 114

Abu Hanifa, Mohammedan casuist,
181, 183

Abu Isa, founder of sect, i8of., 183

Abulafia, Abraham, Messianic pre-
tender, 222 f.

Adam and Eve, Book of, in Pseude-
pigrapha, 94

Adath Jeshurun, Amsterdam liberal
synagogue, 288, 292

Adrianople, 243

Aeha Capitolina, 141

Africa, North, Jews in, 325

After-life, origin of hope for, $6,
90, 255 ff ; as reward and punish-
ment, 74, 83, oo, 255 ff., 260;
legends of, 157 f., 224; in apoc-
ryphal literature, 93

Agrippa I, Judean ruler, 133

Ahab, King of Israel, 31 f.

Ahad Haam, Zionist leader, 313

Ahikar, Story of, in Pseudepigrapha,

94

Ahriman, 55
Ai, Palestine, 22
Akiba ben Joseph, Tanna, 139-43,

147, 149, 153
Albania, 244
Albo, Joseph, 228
Alcimus, Hellenist high priest, 90,

105
Alexander the Great, 75 f.

343

Alexander Jannaeus, Judean king,
109 f.

Alexandra, Queen, no, 112

Alexandria, Egypt, Jews in, 76 ff.,
84, i28f., 134, 154?-, 220

Al-Fasi, Isaac, codifier of Talmud
and rabbinic law, 204 f., 225, 238

Allenby, British General, 313

American Jewish Committee, 322

American Jewish Congress, 322

Am ha-Arez, n, 259

Amoraim, contributors to the Tal-
mud, i56ff., 169

Amos, prophecy of, 33-9

Amram, Sura Gaon, 195

Amsterdam, Jews in, 2326% 287 f.,
292

Anan ben David, founder of Ana-
nite sect, 181-6, 189

Anathoth, 44

Ancestor-worship, 8

Angels, in the Bible, 55, 89; origin
of names of, 159; mention of
names of, by Essenes, 120; in
legend, 157; compared to Islamic
conception of, 174; agents of God,
in creation, 143, 184 f., 221; revela-
tion through, 245, 249; allegorical
interpretation of, 212, 217, 252

Animatism, 5

Animism, 5 ff.

Antigonus, Hasmonean, ii3f.

Antioch, Syria, 76, 85

Antiochus Epiphanes, of Syria, 85 f .,
89 f., 105, 155

Antipas, Herod's son, 118

Antipater, Herod's father, ii2f.

Anti-Semitism, 290, 313, 321 ff.

Antoninus Pius, 144

Antony, Roman ruler, ii3f.

Apocalypse, 55 f., 89, 94 f., 220

Apocrypha, 93 ff., 129

344

THUS RELIGION GROWS

Aquila, convert to Judaism, 145

Arabia, Jews in, lyoff.

Arabs, before Mohammed, 109, 171;

after Mohammed, 168, 175 ff.; in

Spain, 195

Aragon, Jews in, 218
Arameans, 35
Archaeology, in clarifying the Bible,

8, n, 22

Archelaus, Herod's son, 118
Aristeas, Letter of, in Pseudepig-

rapha, 49, 129
Aristobulus, son of Alexander Jan-

naeus, iizf.

Aristobulus, son of Hyrcanus, 109
Aristotelian philosophy, 2ioff., 217,

222, 227, 248

Ark, 18, 29, 138

Aruk, Talmud dictionary, 205

Asa, King of Judah, 31

Asceticism, 1 20 f ., 1 27 f ., 130, 13 2,
183 f., 204

Asher ben Jehiel, codifier of Tal-
mud and rabbinic law, 22 5 f., 238

Asherah, 25, 27

Ashi, Babylonian Amora, 167

Ashkenazim, 195, 226, 238 f., 325

Assembly of Jewish Notables, in
Paris, 284 ff.

Assyria, 34 f., 39 f., 44; religion of,

4 1

Astarte, deity, 25

Atonement, Day of, origin in
Priestly Code, 63; during Second
Temple, 78; fasting on, 116; dese-
cration by Elisha ben Abuyah,
143; adopted by Mohammed, 172;
Ajian would transfer New Year's
Day to, 1 86; dogmatized, 228; for-
giving power, 260

Aub, Joseph, Reform leader, 300

Augustus, Roman ruler, 155

Austria, Jews in, 282 f.

Austria-Hungary, emancipation in,
290

Authority, Bible accepted as, 117,
130 f., 191, 250 ff., 307 f.; within
the Bible, 97; through decrees of
Great Synagogue, 104; disputed
by Sadducees, in; Jesus quotes
himself as, 123, 127; of Bet Din,

i36f.; of personal prestige of Ju-
dah the Patriarch, 150; of the
Mishnah, 152, 168; Talmud ac-
cepted as, 170, 179, 194; Talmud,
challenged by Karaism, 182, 185;
Geonim accepted as, 177, 179, 194;
Rabbinic Codes accepted as, 205;
in Orthodox Judaism, 3071".; in
Conservative Judaism, 305; in Re-
form Judaism, 306 ff., 318
Averroes, Arab philosopher, 217
Avicebron, identified as Ibn Gabi-

rol, 204

Avicenna, Arab philosopher, 211
Avidius Cassius, friend of Judah the

Patriarch, 150
Azariah, Prayer of, in Apocrypha,

93
Azriel, mystic, 222

Baal-worship, 7, 24 ff., 29 ff., 38, 77

Baalath, deity, 25

Babylonia, (Babylon), 44, 46, 52, 64,
72; Jews in, 47 f., 53, 57, 62, 78,
103, 115, 138, 155 f., 170, 175, 221,
322 f.; rabbinic schools in, 160, 164-
70, 179, i89f., 193 ff., 197

Bagdad, 187, 190, 194

Balaam, 141

Balfour Declaration, on Palestine,
3i 4 f.

Baltimore, Maryland, 301, 304

Bamoth, 25, 27

Baraita, extraneous rabbinic tradition,

1 H
Barcelona, Spain, 219, 222

Bar Kokeba, in revolt against Ha-
drian, 141 f.

Bar Mvz/wah) 185

Baruch, Book of, I, in Apocrypha,
93; II, III, in Pseudepigrapha,

94

Basle, Zionist declaration in, 312
Basnage, Jacob Christian, 270
Bath-sheba, David's wife, 29
Beer, Jacob Herz, Reform leader,

2 93

Beer-sheba, Palestine, 6
Bel, deity, 48, 52
Bel and the Dragon, in Apocrypha,

94

INDEX

345

Belgium, Jewish emancipation in,
287

Belshazzar, 88

Ben Azai, Tanna, 143

Bendavid, Lazarus, 277

Ben Sira, Joshua, in Apocrypha,
81 ff., 93, 106, 137, 220, 250

Ben Zoma, Tanna, 143

Berbers, 195, 202

Berlin, Jews in, 270, 275 ff., 293 ff.

Berlin Free School, 280, 292

Berlin Reform congregation, 297

Beruriah, Meir's wife, 149

Besht, founder of modern Hasidism,
263-8

Bet Dm, 135 f., 141, 152, 285

Bet ha-Medrash, 84

Bet ha-Sefer, no

Bethel, Palestine, 7, 24, 30, 35 n.

Bible (Old Testament), origins of,
31, 35 n., 58-75; historical criticism
of, 9ff., 61 ff., 123, 185^, 209^,
236, 306, 324, 329; traditional ac-
counts, 9fT.; historical reliability,
n, 22; standardization of text, 153,
179; religion of, 95-102; Animism
in, 6f.; Ancestor- worship in, 8,
Polytheism in, 8; Totemism in,
7f.; reformations in, 31, 41 ff.,
58 ff.; pessimism in, 79 ff.; opti-
mism in, 100; authority in, 97,
249 ff., 262, 302, 307 f .; commen-
taries on, 130, 191, 200 ff., 209, 211,
223, 245; translation, Greek, see
Septuagint; translation, Latin, see
Vulgate; translation, Aramaic, see
Targum Onkelos; translation, Ar-
abic, 191 f.; translation, German,
230, 272

B'nai B'rith, Jewish Order of, 322

Boaz, Ruth's husband, 59

Bohemia, Jewish emancipation in,
290

Breslau, Jews in, 279, 292, 296

Breslau Rabbinical Conference
(1846), 300

Breslau Rabbinical Seminary, 298 f.

Buttenwieser, M., 73 n.

Cabala, 226, 233 f., 239 ff., 263, 268;
origin of, 22off.

Caesar, Julius, Roman ruler, 113, 155

Caesarea, 118

Caesarea Philippi, 124

Cairo, Egypt, 239, 242

Caleb, 7

Calendar, 12, 136, 160, 182, 185, 189,
293; fixed by Bet Din, 136

Caligula, Roman ruler, 128, 133

Caliph, 181, 187, 195, 197, 202

Canaan, 19, 22-8, 31, 322; religion
of, 24 ff.

Canada, Jewish emancipation in, 289

Carmcl, Mount, 7

Caro, Joseph, codifier of Talmud
and rabbinic law, 237 ff.

Catholic Church, 94, 245, 285, 289

Central Conference of American
Rabbis, 301, 308, 3i6f.

Ceremonials, see Ritual

Champagne, France, 200

Charleston, S. C., Reform synagogue,
301

Chazars, Jewish kingdom of, 206

Chicago Hebrew Theological Col-
lege, 327

Chosen People, 9, 15, 40, 49 ff., 101,
M8, 255, 309, 325

Christ, 122, 124, 126; see Jesus of
Nazareth

Christian Hebraists, 269 f.

Christianity, 40, 174, 182, 248, 303;
Jewish origins of, 49, 95, 118-28,
132, 154, 204, 207; separation from
Judaism, i26f., 1421., 144 f.; pro-
hibited by Rome, 159; opposition
to Judaism by, 160, 2ijfi., 230;
converts to, 142, 199, 2i8f., 246,
275 ff., 281, 293

Chronicles, Book of, 66

Church and State, relation of, 38 f.,
in, 124, 134, 136, 236, 272 ff., 281,
285 f., 297, 324

Cincinnati, Ohio, 301

Circumcision, 13, 48, 63, 141 f., 144^,
183, 244, 260, 309

Codes, in formation of the Hexa-
teuch, i of., 31, 60 ff.

Codes of Talmud and rabbinic law,
179 f.; by Saadia, 192; by Hai
Gaon, 194; by al-Fasi, 205, 238;
by Maimonides, 2155., 238; by

346

THUS RELIGION GROWS

Asher ben Jehiel, 225 f., 238; by
Jacob ben Asher, 226, 237, 239; by
Joseph Caro, 237 ff.; by Moses Is-
serles, 238 f.

Cohen, 26

Commandment, Second, 7 f .

Commandments, Ten, 17 f., 20

Comparative religions, 324

Compassion, 37 f.

Conservative Judaism, 136, 301, 304 f.,
3*5i 3i9 *-, 3 26ff - 33 332; origins
of, 297 ff.

Constantine, Roman ruler, 160

Constantinople, 230, 241 ff.

Constantius II, Roman ruler, 160

Convictions, strength of, 45 f .

Copenhagen, 297

Cordova, Spain, 195, 202

Council of Trent, Catholic, 94

Creatio ex nihilo, 64, 190, 211, 229

Creation, Bible account of, 64 f.;
philosophic views of, 131, 203 f.,
2ioff., 227^; mystical views of,
221, 224, 240

Crete, 234

Crusades, Christian, 202, 230

Cult of Reason, in France, 284

Custom, force of, 253

Cuzarij 206 ff.

Cyrus, King of Persia, 52 f.

Czechoslovakia, Jews in, 317

Damascus ritual murder libel, 311

Dan, tribe of, 30

Daniel, Additions to, in Apocrypha,

94

Daniel, Book of, 88 f., 91, 224

Daniel ben Moses al-Kumisi, Kara-
ite, 185 f.

Darius, the Mede, 88 f.

David, King, 6, 29 f., 59, 67, 156

Deborah, prophetess, 7, 27 f.

Demeter, deity, 77

Dembowski, bishop in Poland, 246

Democritus, Greek philosopher, 188

Demons, 26; see Satan

Descartes, French philosopher, 234

Dessau, Jews in, 293

Destiny, 20, 35, 331, 334

Deuteronomy, Book of, u, 42 f., 61,
153

Diaspora, 136, 154, 250, 323

Dietary laws, possible origin, 7; in-
creased importance after destruc-
tion of Temple, 48; stressed by
Priestly Code, 63; strictly observed
by ancient Hasidim, 86, 88; essen-
tial observance in Rabbinic Juda-
ism, 260; disparaged by Jesus, 127;
ridiculed by Romans, 155; Karaite
extremity in strictness, 180, 183,
185; opposed by Judah Leon Mo-
dena, 233; attitude of Reform, 309

Diocletian, Roman ruler, 159

Dionysus, deity, 77

Dob Baer of Mezeritz, modern
Hasid, 267

Dogma v 214 f., 232, 308, 317; Cres-
cas* arrangement, 228 f.; Albo's
arrangement, 229; Mendelssohn's
attitude to, 273 f., 276

Dohm, Christian Wilhelm, 282 f.

Donmeh, Jewish Mohammedan sect,
243 f.

Dresden, Jews in, 298

Dreyfus, Alfred, Affair, 312

Dunash ibn Labrat, i96f., 109

Eben-ezer, 7

Ecclesiastes (Koheleth), 79 ff., 92,

163, 333

Ecclesiasticus, see Ben Sira
Edict of Toleration, in Austria, 282 f.

E g v Pt 4 45^ 53> 7 2 ; J ews in
ancient, 9, 1 3 ff ., 331; under the
Ptolemies, 76 ff., 84, 86
Eibeschutz, Jonathan, 245
Eleazar ben Azariah, Tanna, 137
Eleazar ben Jose, Tanna, 148
Elijah, prophet, 7, 32 f., 57, 122, 124,

J57

Elijah, called Gaon of Wilna, 267 f.

Elim, 24

Elisha, prophet, 33

Elisha ben Abuyah, heretic, 143, 149

Elohim, 10

Emancipation, political and civic, of
Jews, 231, 270, 274, 276, 281-92,
312 f., 320 f., 324; in Austria, 282 f.,
290; in Belgium, 287; in Bohemia,
290; in Canada, 289; in England,
282, 289; in France and influenced

INDEX

347

territory, 283-7; in Germany, 282, |
290; in Holland, 282, 287 f.; in
Hungary, 290; in Italy, 289; in Po-
land, 200 f.; in Russia, 291; in
Switzerland, 290; in U. S. A.,
281 f.; cultural emancipation, 272,
275, 277 if., 292

Emanuel Congregation of New York
City, 301

Emunot we'Deot, 190

England, 262; Jews of, 230, 269, 282,
289, 326; Liberal Judaism in, 306;
Mandate over Palestine, 314^

Enoch, Book of, in Pseudepigrapha,

94
Enoch, Book of the Secrets of, in

Pseudepigrapha, 94
Eschatology, 56 ff., 93, 128
Esdras, I, in Apocrypha, 93; II, in

Apocrypha, 94
Essenes, 108, ii9ff., 128 ff., 134,

i8zf., 220

Esther, Book of, 91 f., 148, 163
Esther, Additions to, in Apocrypha,

94

Ethical Wills, 226

Ethics, 204, 214, 258 f.; see teach-
ings of prophets, philosophers,
rabbis

Ethiopians, 35

Ethnarch, head of Judeans, 113, 118

Etiquette, 83

Euchel, Isaac, of Koenigsberg, 279

Evil, Bible view of, 99 f.; dualistic
explanation of, 55, 131 f.; origi-
nates from serpent, Naasite view,
143; is man-made, 213, 266; is natu-
ral inclination in man, 259 f.; is
requited in after-life, 224, 257; is
eradicated through transmigration
and soul impregnation, 240; dog-
matized, 228; laws of nature must
be included in seeking solution to
problem of, 331

Exilarch, head of Babylonian Jews,
156, 175 f., 181, 187, 189 f.

Exile, First, 47 ff., 53, 88, 256, 322;
Second, 134, 256, 323

Exodus from Egypt, influence on
Judaism, i3ff., 331

Exodus, Book of, 63, 153

Ezekiel, prophet, 47 ff., 53, 62, 92,

108
Ezra, scribe, 58 ff., 63 f., 66, 86, 102 f.,

156, 236, 247

Faith, 43 f., 74 f., 256, 330, 331

Fasting, 13, 172, 174, 260

Fate, in, 119, 174, 188, 334

Fatimites, Arab dynasty of, 194

Fayum, Egypt, 188

Festivals, origins, 12, 25; emphasized
in Priestly Code, 63; pilgrimage
to Temple, 69, 78, 118; Service
established in synagogue, 138; Abu
Isa's modification of, 181; Karaite
modification of, 185; two-day ob-
servance, 136, 293

Fez, Africa, 204

Firkovich, Abraham, Karaite, 193

Fiscus Judaicus, 140

France, Jews in, i98ff., 217^, 222,
230, 269, 283 ff.; French revolu-
tion, 274, 283

Frank, Jacob, Messianic pretender,
245 f .

Frankel, David, 270

Frankel, Zachariah, Conservative
leader, 298 f., 304, 327

Frankfort Conference (1845), 298

Frederick the Great, 271, 280

Free-will, 82, in, 132, 191, 207, 213

Friedlander, David, 276 f., 280, 292

Friedlander, M., Neo-Orthodox
leader, quoted, 326

Gad, tribe, also deity, 8, 48
Galicia, Jews in, 263, 268 f., 312
Galilee, Palestine, 118, 123, 125, 141,

146, 148, 239

Gamaliel II, Tanna, i36ff.
Gaonate, Babylonian, 1756*., 179,

187 ff., 194, 197, 216, 221, 247;

Palestinian, 178, 189
Garstang, J., archaeologist, quoted,

22
Geiger, Abraham, Reform leader,

295 ff.

Gemara, 170

Genesis, Book of, 64 ff., 131, 152, 163
Gerizim, Mount, 60, 106
Germany, Jews in, Talmud study of,

348

THUS RELIGION GROWS

198, 225; religious customs of,
221, 238; mysticism among, 221 .;
Crusades injure, 202, 230; cultural
emancipation of, 278 f.; political
emancipation of, 269, 282, 290; Re-
form Judaism among, 292 ff .; per-
secution of Third Reich to, 292,

3'4

Gerona, 218

Gershom ben Judah, i98f.
Gezerot, 253
Ghetto, 262 f., 277, 279, 281, 289,

3131 320 *

Gibeah, 7

Gilgalim, 25, 27

Gnostics, 143

God, discovery of, 4, 21, 35f.; true
and false notions of, 4; man's un-
derstanding of, 4, 74, 09 f.; names
of, 10, 212, 221, 241; proof of,

97 f., 254, 330; in history, 52;
workings of, 98; attributes of, 98,
190, 212 ff., 224, 228 f., 236, 258; is
omnipotent, 74; is love, 37 f., 258;
is justice, 36, 98, 256, 258; is truth,
258; incorporeality of, 20, 126,
i3of., 155, 174, 188, 191, 2i2f.,
215, 224, 258; elimination of sex-
element, 20; sovereignty of, 36,

98 f., 308, 317; national retribution
by, 35; transcendence of, 47, 53,
65, 74, 82, 131, 203 f., 207, 224;
universality of, 39, 52 f.; imma-
nence of, 44 f., 53, 65, 82, 236,
264 ff., 308 f.; sets example for
man, 98?.; see Monotheism

Golden Rule, 118, 127
Gomer, Hosea's wife, 37
Graetz, Heinrich, historian and Con-
servative leader, 299
Granada, 202
Great Synagogue, Men of, 60, 103,

151

Greece, 72

Greek control of Judea, 75
Guide of the Perplexed, 21 if.,

217 f.

Habady intellectual branch of mod-
ern Hasidism, 267 f.
Habakkuk, prophet, 43, 161

Hadrian, Roman ruler, 140 ff., 144 ff.,

J55

Haftarah, 138

Haggai, prophet, 53

Hai, Gaon, 187, 194

Hakam, 146

Halabi, Raphael, Joseph, mystic pa-
tron, 242

Halakah, 138

Halutzim, 314

Hamburg, Jews in, 233, 270, 278

Hamburg Reform Temple, 293, 297

Hananel, of Kairawan, 194

Hananiah ben Hezekiah, 92

Hanukkah, 87, 260

Har Sinai Congregation of Balti-
more, 301

Hasidim (Pious), anti-Hellenists, 86-
91, 108, no, 119, 325

Hasidim, modern mystics, 263 ff.

Haskalah, of Berlin, 275, 280

Hasmoneans, see Maccabees

Hayyun, Nehemiah, 244 f.

Hazor, Palestine, 22

Hebrew language, modern revival,
279, 314, 320

Hebrews, 9

Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati,
301 ff.

Hebrew University, Jerusalem, 315

Hebron, Palestine, 24

Hegel, philosopher, 277

Hellenism, in Palestine, 76 f., 102,
109, 248; in Egypt, 76 f., i28ff.,
154; Karaitic recourse to, 183 f.

Her em, 13

Hermeneutics, n6f., 139, 149, 182

Herod, ruler of Judea, 1131"., ii8f.,

Herz, Marcus, of Berlin, 277
Herzl, Theodore, Zionist leader,

312 f.

Hess, Moses, Zionist leader, 311
Hexateuch, iof., 31
Hezekiah, King of Judah, 41
High priest, 54, 62, 75, 78, 109, 125,

136

Hilkiah, priest, 42
Hillel, Tanna, 105, 115 ff., 127, 135 f.,

139, 151, 156; School of, 135 ff.
Hillul ha-Shem, 258, 309

INDEX

349

Hirsch, Baron Maurice de, 312
Hirsch, Samson Raphael, Neo-Or-

thodox leader, 295, 326
Hiwi al-Balkhi, critic, 186
Hiyya, Tanna, 152
Holdheim, Samuel, Reform leader,

297
Holland, Jews in, 230, 232, 269, 278,

282, 287

Horeb, Mountain of Yahweh, 15
Horiah the Hittite, 29
Hosea, prophet, 37 ff., 135
Hoshaia, Palestinian Amora, 157
Huna, Babylonian Amora, 165
Hyrcanus II, ethnarch, 1 1 2 f .
Hyrcanus, John, 105, 107 ff.

Ibn Adret, Solomon, 219, 222 ff.

Ibn Daud, Abraham, 2iof.

Ibn Ezra, Abraham, 209 f., 234, 236

Ibn Ezra, Moses, 205 f .

Ibn Gabirol, Solomon, 202 ff., 206 f.,
209, 222

Ibn Pakuda, Bahya, 204, 208

Ibn Shaprut, Hasdai, patron, 195 ff.,
202, 206

Ibn Tibbon family, 217

Ikkarim, 229

Immersion in water (Mikweh), 144,
309

Immortality, Bible view of, 121;
apocryphal view of, 129, Philo's
view of, 132; Maimonides' view
of, 213; dogmatized, 228; Da Cos-
ta J s doubt of, 232; Mendelssohn's
defense of, 271; Reform view of,
303, 318, salvation in, 325, 327;
modern inquiry into, 332

Inspiration, 3, 296; see Revelation

Intermarriage, 56 ff., 285, 297

Irak, 175

Isaac, Patriarch, 9

Isaiah, prophet, 31, 38ff.; Deutero-
Isaiah, 49 ff., 57, 209; Trito-Isaiah,

5 6 f.

Ishbaal, 29

Ishmael ben Elisha, Tanna, i39f.,

*49> *53 155
Ishmael of Akbara, 184^
Islam, see Mohammedanism
Israel, 9, n, 65

Israel, Kingdom of, 30 f., 35, 37, 61;

destruction of, 39 f.
Isserles, Moses, codifier of Talmud

and rabbinic law, 238 f.
Italy, Jews in, 222, 224, 230 f., 289

Jacob, Patriarch, 7, 9, 65

Jacob ben Asher, codifier of Tal-
mud and rabbinic law, 226, 239

Jacob Joseph, of Polonnoye, leader
in modern Hasidism, 267

Jacobs, Henry S., Conservative
leader, 304

Jacobsohn, Israel, Reform leader,
292 f.

Jaffa, Palestine, 311

James II, English king, 289

Jamnia, 1341., 141

Jason, Hellenist high priest, 85 f .

Jastrow, Marcus, Conservative
leader, 304

Jehovah, 10

Jehu, King of Israel, 33

Jeremiah, prophet, 44 ff., 53

Jeremy, Epistle of, in Apocrypha,

93

Jericho, Palestine, 22 f.
Jeroboam, King of Israel, 30
Jeroboam II, King of Israel, 35
Jerusalem, made capital and sanc-
tuary by David, 29; as sanctuary,
30, 43, 46, 76, 106, 133; after de-
struction of sanctuary, 134, 183;
in days of Ezra, 58 ff., 103; visited
by Alexander the Great, 75; home
of Ben Sira, 82; home of Sham-
mai, 115; Hellenist struggles in,
85 ff.; visit of Roman Procurators
to, 1 1 8, 126; residence of Great
Sanhedrin, 119; locale for Messi-
anic appearance, 124, 242; faced
in prayer, by Jews and Moham-
medans, i72f.; residence of Ti-
berias school, 178

Jerusalem, book by Moses Men-
delssohn, 272 ff.
Jesus of Nazareth, i22ff., 133, 142,

i8of., 193, 246, 276
Jewish Agency, for Palestine, 322
Jewish Colonial Trust, 313
Jewish Community Craters, 322

350

THUS RELIGION GROWS

Jewish Institute of Religion, 315

Jewish National Fund, 313

Jewish Theological Seminary, of

America, 304, 319
Jewish Welfare Federations, 322
Jews, origin of, 5, 8ff.; religion of,

see Judaism

Jezebel, Ahab's wife, 31 ff.
Jinn, 21

Job, Book of, 72 ff., 159, 209, 333
Joel, prophet, 66
Johanan bar Nappaha, Palestinian

Amora, i58f., 166
Johanan ben Zakkai, Tanna, 1346*.
John the Baptist, i22ff.
John, Gospel of, 123
Joint Distribution Committee,

American, 322
Jonah, prophet, 67
Jonathan, son of Saul, 29
Jonathan, the Maccabee, 91, 108
Jose ben Joezer, one of "The Pairs,"

105
Jose ben Johanan, one of "The

Pairs," 105

Jose ben Jose, Payyetan, 179
Joseph, 9, n

Joseph, Babylonian Amora, 167
Joseph II, Emperor of Austria, 282 f .
Josephus, Flavius, historian, 108
Joshua, 22 ff., 103
Joshua, Book of, 10, 22, 66
Joshua, high priest, 53
Joshua ben Levi, Palestinian Amora,

.57 f.

Josiah, King of Judah, 42 ff., 61

Jubilee Year, 63

Jubilees, Book of, in Pseudepigrapha,

94
Judah, Kingdom of, 30 f.; reason for

survival, 40; traditions of, 61
Judah, the Maccabee, 87, 89 ff., 108,

155
Judah, the Patriarch, Tanna, 1496%

156, 158, 161, 164, 168
Judah, the Pious, mystic, 221 f.
Judah ben Ezekiel, Babylonian

Amora, i66f.

Judah ben flai, Tanna, 148, 150
Judah ha-Levi, 206 ff.
Judaism, beginnings of, 9, izf., 97;

a historic religion, 5, 303, 317,
328 f.; nomadic influence in, 121".,
20, 30; influence of Exodus in, 15;
agricultural influence in, 27; in-
fluence of commerce in, 30 ff.;
Zoroastrian influence on, 54 ff.;
Hellenist influence on, 77 ff.,
128 ff.; influence of Christianity
on, 242, 275; Magian influence on,
1 68; Mohammedan influence on,
178, i8of., 186, 188, 190, 195, 197,
229; influence of emancipation on,
291 f., 299, 321-30; forced conver-
sions to, 1 06, ii2f.; missionary at-
titude of, 143 ff.; proselytism to,
see Proselytism; tolerance of, 106,
137, 146, 149, 152, 158, 273 f.;
effects of persecution on, 21, 87 f.,
141, 145, 154, 159 ff., i68f., 178,
193 f., 202, 220, 225 f., 23 if., 237,
247, 255, 257, 272, 280 f., 291, 300,
311; reformations in, see Reforma-
tions; authority in, see Authority;
beliefs and practices in, see indi-
vidual subjects; scholarship in, 84,
104 f., 1 10, 134 f., 142, 148, 157,
i64ff., 237, 261, 276, 298 f.; phi-
losophy in, i28ff., i86ff., i9off.,
2031., 206-14, 217 ff., 226 ff., 231,
234 ff., 248; poetry in, 67 ff., 178 f.,
197, 202 ff., 209, 215; as a civiliza-
tion, 319^, 328; survival of, 46 ff.,
86, 134 ff., 247 f., 255, 261, 269,
322 f., 332 ff.; unity in, 136 ff.,
153 f.. 249, 262 f., 333 f.; requires
the Jewish people, 58, 317^, 334;
laity in, 196, 202, 293, 300, 302,

Judas, Iscariot, 125

Judea, 58, 75 f., 91, 113 f., 118, 122,

134

Judean Christians, 142 f.
Judges, Book of, 22, 66
Judith, Book of, in Apocrypha, 94
Julian, Roman ruler, 160
Jupiter Capitolinus, heathen temple

to, in Jerusalem, 140
Justice, 36, 38

Kaaba stone, in Mecca, 172
Kaddish prayer, 175

INDEX

35'

Kadesh, 6

Kainukaa, Jewish Arabic tribe, 173

Kairawan, Jews in, 194

Kalamists, philosophers, 188, 190, 203,
210-48

Kalir, Eleazar, Payyetan, 179

Kalischer, Zebi Hirsch, Zionist,
3"

Kallah, months of rabbinic study,
164

Kalonymus family, mystics, 221

Kant, Immanuel, German philoso-
pher, 274, 277, 279

Kaplan, Mordecai M., Conservative
leader, 319

Karaism, iSoff., 197, 234, 248

Kayyara, Simeon, codifier of Tal-
mud and rabbinic law, 180

Kedushah, 168

Kehtllah, 319

Kenites, 15 f., 32

Ketubahj no

Khaibar, Arabia, Jews in, 171

Kiddush ha-Shem, 258, 309

Kings, Book of, 66

Kirkisani, Abu Yusef al-, Karaite,
1 86

Kishon, river, 28

Kohler, Kaufmann, Reform leader,
302

Kohut, Alexander, Conservative
leader, 304

Koran, 172, 174, 188

Krochmal, Nahman, 298

Lamentations, Book of, 46, 163

Lavater, Swiss clergyman, 271 f.

Law, Oral, origins of, 58 ff., 103 ff.;
general, 18, 102 f., 107, noff., 117,
135, 138, 140, 142, 145 ff., 214, 251,
2 95 3 2 5; codification of, 140, 149,
i5off.; see Codes of Rabbinic Ju-
daism, and Mishnah, Talmud

Law, Written, 18, 61, 93, 102, nof.,
117, no, 145, 214, 251, 295, 325;
see Bible

League of Nations, 314^

Legend, 13 f., 123, 157 f.; in Apoc-
rypha, 93 f .

Leipzig, 289

Lemberg, Poland, 246

Leon, Moses de, compiler of Zohar,

"3

Lessing, German writer, 271

Leucippus, Greek philosopher, 188

Levi ben Gershom (Gersonides),
philosopher, 227, 234

Levitic priesthood, 18, 43, 47, 67 f.,
103

Leviticus, Book of, 63, 153

Lex Talionis, 13

Liberal Jewish Synagogue, of Lon-
don, 306

Liberal Judaism, 274, and see Re-
form Judaism

Libertini, 155

Lilienblum, Moses Loeb, Zionist
leader, 311

Logos, 13 if., 184

Louis XVIII, King of France, 286

Luke, Gospel of, 123

Luria, Isaac (Ari), mystic, 239 ff.,
266 f.

Luther, Martin, 230

Luzzatto, Moses Hayyim, 245

Lyra, Nicholas de, 230

Maccabees, 87, 89 ff., 102, 105 ff.,
112 ff., 128 f.

Maccabees, Book of, I, II, in Apoc-
rypha, 93; III, IV, in Pseude-
pigrapha, 94

Magians, 168, 175

Magic, 26, 54

Mahoza, Babylonia, 167

Mahzor Vitry, 201

Maimon, Solomon, 2775.

Maimonides, Moses, 192, 2ioff., 220,
222, 225 ff., 234, 238, 252, 271; con-
troversy over teachings of, 2i6ff.

Malachi, prophet, 57

Manasseh, King of Judah, 41 ff.

Manasses, Prayer of, in Apocrypha,

93

Mannheimer, Isaac Noah, 297 f .

Maranos, Jewish group in Chris-
tianity, 230, 232 ff.

Marduk, deity, 48

Mark, Gospel of, 123, 125

Martyrdom, 90, 257

Martyrdom of Israel, Book of, in
Pseudepigrapha, 94

352

THUS RELIGION GROWS

Maryland, State of, 281

Masorites, 179

Mattathias, father of Maccabees,

86 f.

Matthew, Gospel of, 123, 125
Mazebah, 25, 27
Meassefim, 279
Mecca, Arabia, 171 ff.
Medigo, Elijah del, 231, 234
Medigo, Joseph Solomon del, 234
Medina (Yathrib), Arabia, 171,

'73 f-

Meir, Tanna, 146, 148 ff.

Mekilta, 153

Menahem ben Saruk, i96f., 109

Mendelssohn, Moses, philosopher,
270 ff., 279, 287, 295

Menelaus, Hellenist high priest, 85,
90

Meni, deity, 48

Meribbaal, 29

Messiah, 82, 90, 106, 119, 121, 166,
173, 178, 214, 228 f., 245, 256, 293,
300 f.; prophetic conceptions of,
39, 52 ff.; apocalyptic conceptions
of, 90, 93, 121 ; Reform concep-
tions of, 296, 303, 309; Jesus as
the, 122 ff., 142, 145, 218, 229; Bar
Kokeba as, i4off., 145

Messianic pretenders, i8of., 222 f.,
240, 244, 246 ff., 256; Sabbatai Zebi
as, 241 ff.; Jacob Frank as, 245 f.

Metaphysics, 82, 224

Meturgaman, 137, 161

Micah, of Moresheth, prophet, 40 f.

Midrash, 147, 195

Midrash Haggadah, 147 f., 162 ff.,
169, 194

Midrash Halakah, 147, 150, 152 f.,
157, 162, 216

Midrash Rabbak, 162

Mikolski, Catholic canon, 246

Mirabeau, Count, 274, 283

Miracle, 14 ff., 23, 40, 122, 124, 266 ff.

Miriam, wife of Herod, 114

Mishnah, 94, 147, 149 ff., 156, 163 f.,
169 f., 195, 215, 221, 247; rules for
interpreting, 158

Mission of Israel, Bible view of,
49 ff., 255; individual responsi-
bility in, 258; Reform emphasis on,

309, 318, 329; survival value of
concept of, 323, 332

Mitnaggedim, 268 f., 325

Mizivot, 257, 259

Modena, Judah Leon, 232, 234

Modin, 86

Mohammed, 171 ff., i8of.

Mohammedanism, 40, 17 iff., i8of.,
183, 207, 248, 303; conversions to,
193, 243 f.

Mole, Count, 285

Monotheism, origins of, 21, 36, 98,
323; evolution of, 27, 35 f., 42,
52 ff., 99; incorporated in prayer-
book, 138; central in Rabbinic Ju-
daism, 254; central in Reform
Judaism, 308; Samaritan belief in,
1 06; accepted by Mohammed,
172 ff.; Philo's challenge to, 132;
Magian challenge to, 168; relation
of Christianity to, 126, 285, 297;
ethical significance of, 33, 36, 09,
318

Montefiore, Claude G., Reform
leader, 306 ff.

Moore, George F., 144, 153, 247

Morais, Sabato, Conservative leader,
304

Mordecai, 92

Mordecai of Eisenstadt, 244

Morgenstern, Julian, 35n.

Mortara child, kidnapping of, 311

Moses, 9, 11, 13-21, 61, 63, 72, 102 f.,
106, 121, 151, 220, 228 f., 236

Moses, Five Books of, see Penta-
teuch and Hexateuch

Moses ben Enoch, 197

Mutakallimun, 188

Mysticism, among Essenes, 121;
among Gnostics, 143; of Zohar,
147; in Cabala development, 220 ff.;
revived by Luria, 239ff.; in Ha-
sidism, 263 ff.; as reaction to ra-
tionalism, 217^; emotional value
of, 248

Naasites, 143
Naboth, 32

Nahman of Bratzlaw, leader of mod-
ern Hasidism, 268
Nahmanides, Moses, 2i8f., 222

INDEX

353

Nahum, prophet, 44

Napoleon Bonaparte, 284 ff., 289,
292 f.

Nathan, prophet, 29 f.

Nathan, of Babylon, Tanna, 146

Nathan ben Jehiel, of Italy, 205

National Federation of Temple
Brotherhoods, 302

National Federation of Temple Sis-
terhoods, 302

Nationalism, in Judaism, 53, 58, 66 f.,
127, 208 f., 275, 305, 310 ff., 329

Nazarenes, 133, 142

Nazareth, Palestine, i23f.

Nazirite, 31 f.

Nazism, 321

Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon,
88

Nehardea, Babylonia, 156, 165 f.

Nehemiah, 60, 63, 66

Neo-Orthodox Judaism, 295, 326ff.,

330

Neo-Platonism, 203, 209 f., 222 f., 248
Nero, Roman ruler, 133
New-moon observance, 12
New Testament, 108, 123, 270
New Year's Day, Festival, 260; ori-
gin in Priestly Code, 63; during
Second Temple, 78; two-day ob-
servance, 136; Anan favors trans-
fer to Day of Atonement, 185;
dogmatized, 228
New York City, Jews in, 301, 304,

327

Nicanor, Syrian general, 90, 92
Nineveh, 44
Nisibis, Babylonia, 156
Nordau, Max, Zionist leader, 3 1 2 f .
North Carolina, State of, 282 n.
Numbers, Book of, 63, 153, 163

Obadiah, prophet, 67

Oinomaos, of Gadara, cynic, 149

Omri dynasty, 31

Onias III, high priest, 85

Onias, Tanna, 112

Ophites, 143

Oracle, 6, 26, 129

Or Adonai, 228, 273

Ormazdy 55

Orthodox Judaism, evaluation of,

237, 320, 325 f.; quarrel with Re-
form, in Germany, 293; drift
from, in U. S. A., 305 f.; relation
of Mendelssohn to, 274; place of
Maimonides' articles of belief in,
214; two-day observance of Fes-
tivals in, 136; future of, 330

Pablo Christiani, 2i8f.
Padua, Italy, 231, 234, 245
"Pairs, The," 105, ii4f., 135
Palestine, 57 f., 120, 171, 177 ff., 245,
3i7f.; restoration to, 46 f., 526.,
i37f., 293, 297, 300, 303 f., 3 iof.,
321; relation to diaspora, i54ff.,
320; development of Talmud in,
156 ff.; modern, 106, 31 iff., 319 f.,

3*3, 329

Paradise, 157 f.

Paris, France, 284

Parthians, 113

Passover, Festival, origin of, 12, 25;
stressed in Priestly Code, 63; two-
day observance, 136; dogmatized,
228; central in Rabbinic Judaism,
260; Samaritan observance com-
pared to Jewish, 107; Jesus in
Jerusalem preceding the, 124; tol-
erated by destructive Cult of Rea-
son, 284

Patriarch (Nasi), head of Palestin-
ian Jews, 136, 161

Patriotism, 46

Paul, apostle, 142, 145

Payyctanim, liturgical poets, 178 f.

Pentateuch, 9f., 61 ff., 92, 107, 138,
209, 284

Pentecost, Festival, origin of, 25;
stressed in Priestly Code, 63; two-
day observance, 136; dogmatized,
228; central in Rabbinic Judaism,
260; transferred to Sunday by
Anan, 182

Persia, Jews in, 53, 55 ff., 75, i8of.

Pesikta d'Rab Kahana, 163

Pesikta Midrashim, 163

Pesikta Rabbati, 163

Pharisees, io8ff., ii9ff., 123, 127,
i32ff., 138, 257

Phasael, 1 1 3 f .

Philadelphia, Penna., 304

354

THUS RELIGION GROWS

Philip, son of Herod, 118

Philipson, D., quoted, 304

Philistines, 7, 28, 35

Philo Judaeus, philosopher,

Pilate, Pontius, Roman Procurator,

125, 142
Ptlpul, 238, 268

Pinsker, Leo, Zionist leader, 311
Pirke Abot, 94, 151
Pittsburgh Reform Platform, 302 ff .,

310, 316

Piyyutim, lySff., 203
Plato, Greek philosopher, 130, 207,

271

Poland, Jews in, 238, 242, 245 f.,
268 f.; emancipation of, 263, 290 f.;
Zionism in, 312, 314; minority
group status of, 317

Polytheism, 8f., 21, 55

Pompey, Roman general, 113, 155

Pope, Catholic, 223, 289

Portugal, Jews in, 230, 232, 234, 325

Prayer, 89, 112, 174, 180, 222, 224,
240, 258, 309, 318, 332

Prayerbook, 195, 201, 267, 297

Prayer Book, Union, 301, 305, 308

Priesthood, 26, 37, 44, 49, 60, 62 f.,
119 f., 126, 228; decline in, 84 ff.,
90 f., 104, 114, 134

Prophecy, 227, 296; definition of,
33 ff.; evolution of, 27-33; ecstatic,
26, 3 iff.; literary, 33-75; fulfill-
ment of, 39 f., 45 f., 49-53; anonym-
ity of, 41 ff., 49, 61, 94; Judah
ha-Levi's conception of, 207 ff.;
Maimonides' conception of, 213,
217

Prophet, 66, 103, 124, 220, 249

Prosbul, 115, 198

Proselytism, to Judaism, welcomed
by Trito-Isaiah, 56 f.; in Alexan-
dria, Egypt, i29f.; expansion of,
143 ff., 155; hindered, 143 ff., 154;
among Arabs, 171; among Chazars
in Russia, 206; attitude of Reform
to, 309

Protestantism, 230, 270

Provence, southern France, 216 f., 227

Proverbs, Book of, 66, 71 f.

Providence, 14 f., 20, 23, 99 f., 119,
214, 227 ff., 265 f., 314, 327

Psalms, Book of, 66 ff., 91,

209,

Pseudepigrapha, 94 f.
Ptolemy, general, 76
Ptolemy Philadelphus, 77 f.
Pumbeditha, Babylonia, 166 f., 175 f.,

187, 190, 194
Purim, 92, 103, 148, 260
Pythagoras, Greek philosopher, 221

Querido, Jacob, Messianic pretender,
244

Rab, Babylonian Amora, 156, 164 fi.
Rabbah bar Nahmani, Babylonian

Amora, 167
Rabbi, 135, 152

Rabbi, see Judah the Patriarch
Rabbinical Assembly of America,

304

Rabbon, 135
Rachel, 7

Ramadan, Islamic month, 174
Rapoport, Solomon, 298
Rashi, 200 ff., 209, 226
Rechabites, 31 f.
Red Sea, 14
Reform Judaism, origins of, 288,

291 ff.; innovations in observances,

293 f., 308, 310; principles of,

294 ff., 299 f., 302 ff., 317^; in Ger-
many, 310; in England, 306; in
the United States, 300 ff., 308 ff.,
315 ff., 320, 326, 328 ff., 332

Rehoboam, 30 f.

Reincarnation, 244 f.

Religion, definition of, 1-5, 41; origin
of, i ff.; primitive, 1-8; discovery
in, 20, 101; evolution of, 3 f., 94 ff.,
101, 295 ff.; growth through per-
sonal experience, 37; growth
through crisis, 21, 27 f., 481., 87 f.,
91, i34ff., 146 f., 159 ff., i68f., 257,
33 iff.; growth through substitu-
tion because of necessity, 12, 57,
107, 135 f., 146, 300, 332, and see
Reform and Conservative Judaism;
growth through environmental
influence, 13, 24, 178 f., 198 f., 205,
227, 249, 288, 293 f., 301 f., 317;
growth through contrasting civili-

INDEX

355

zations, 30 ff.; growth through
challenge of sects and neighboring
religion, 193, 248; growth through
interpretation of Scripture, ii5ff.,
*39 2 5 ! ; growth through differ-
ence of opinion, 115, 217, 220,
333 f.; growth through allegorical
interpretation, 130, 184, 212, 252;
growth through grammatic inter-
pretation, i3pf., 179, 191 f., 196-
202; growth through emphasis and
detail, 252 ff.; growth through
search of truth, 307 f.; stagnation
in, io6f., inf.; and nature, if.,
5 ff., 14 f., 23, 28, 35 n., 40, 69,
330 ff.; supernatural, 2, 121; and
history, 63 f.; historic, 5, 69 f.; per-
sonal, 44 f., 47, 70, 221 f., 257 f.,
264, 332 f.; morality of, 20 f.; de-
mocracy in, 112; practical, 3, 253 f.,
315, 322; influence of city-life, 77,
324, 327 f.; place of doubt in, 73,
modern need for, 322ff.
Religions, differences in, 4f.
Renaissance, 230 f., 234, 270
Repentance, 36, 21 2 f., 228, 260
Resh Lakish, Palestinian Amora,

i58f.

Responsa, of Gebnim, 177, 194, 201
Resurrection, Bible origins of hope
for, 56, oo; in apocryphal books,
83, 93, 129; Samaritan belief in,
and Jesus, i26f.; dogmatized by
Maimonides, 213 f.; dogmatized by
Crescas and Albo, 228-9; bodily,
rejected by Reform Judaism, 303,
309

Revelation, 3 f ., 97, 191, 228 f., 309 f.,
3 r 5 3 J 8, 329 f.; through acts of na-
ture, 15 f., 23, 65, 254, 308, 329,
331; through man, 65, 254, 308, 329,
331; through personal experience,
74 f.; to Moses, 18, 82, i3of.,
207 ff., 213 f., 227, 249 ff., 273, 306,
325 f.; Bible accepted as, 153, 186,
1 90; supernatural, is the authority,
82, 324ff., 330 f., 333; Judah ha-
Levi's view of, 207 f.; Maimonides'
view of, 212

Reward and Punishment, inevitabil-
ity of, 36; doubted, 80; comes

within a person, 74; in this world,
82 f., 303; in after-life, 90, 93,
256 f., 260; dogmatized, 214, 228 f.;
moral law of7 similar to law of
nature, 99, 309, 332; constructive
benefits of, 100; righteous con-
duct should be independent of,
104

Righteous remnant, 39

Ritual, primitive, 2 f ., 6, 12; of Yah-
weh, 1 8; blind reliance on, de-
nounced by prophets, 34 ff., 38;
unnecessary, 233; gains importance
in First Exile, 47 ff .; linked with
morals, 62, 213; subordinated to
morals, 101; strictness emphasized
in Apocrypha, 129; by Essenes,
i2of., by Anan ben David, 183;
by Pharisees, in; basic in Rab-
binic Judaism, 138, 260; placed
above morals by Judah ha-Levi,
208; emphasized by Mendelssohn,
273 ff.; attitude to, in Neo-Ortho-
dox Judaism, 327; in Conservative
Judaism, 305, 328; in Reform Ju-
daism, 306, 309, 318, 329

Rome, control in Palestine, ii3f.,
119, 122, 124 ff., 128, 132 ff., 136,
139 ff., 147 f., 159 ff.; Jews in, 155,
289; proselytes in, to Judaism, 145

Rossi, Azariah dei, 231

Rothschild, Lord, of England, 314

Roumania, Jews in, 263, 290

Russia, Jews in, 193, 206, 263, 268 f.,
291, 312

Russia, Soviet, Jews in, 193, 291, 317,

3*5 f- 334
Ruth, Book of, 59, 163

Saadia, Gaon, i89ff., 196, 207 f., 221
Sabbatai Zebi, 241 ff., 264, 268
Sabbath, origins, 12, 63, 65; gains im-
portance in Exile, 48, 60; empha-
sized in Rabbinic Judaism, 116,
138, 150, 155, 253, 260; disparaged
by Jesus, 127; desecrated by Elisha
ben Abuyah, 143; regarded as only
a symbol by Yudghan, 181; Kara-
ite attitude, 182, 184 f.; stressed by
Essenes, 121, 130; observance for-
bidden by Hadrian, 141, by Yez-

356

THUS RELIGION GROWS

degird, 168, by Cult of Reason,
284; Mattathias allows battle in
self-defense on, 87; Mendelssohn's
view of, 274; Reform observance
of, 310

Sabbatical Year, 60, 63, 75, 115

Saboraim, rabbinic interpreters, 169,
176

Sacred objects, 6ff., 12, 25

Sacrifices, origins of, 12, 25 f.;
stressed in Priestly Code, 63; pro-
phetic support of, 66; opposed by
Essenes, 120; replaced by prayers,
57, 101, 107; replaced by loving-
kindness, 135; a crude concession,
213; restoration of, not desired by
Reform, 293

Sadducees, 108, inf., 119, 124?.,
134, 136, i82f., 248, 257

Safed, Palestine, 239

Saloniki, 241

Samaria, 40, 53, 114

Samaritans, 40, 53 f., 57, 60, 106, 125,
160, 185 f.

Samuel, prophet, 28

Samuel, Book of, 66

Samuel, Babylonian Amora, 156,
164 ff.

Samuel ha-Levi, patron, 202

Samuel, Sir Herbert, of England,

3'4

Sanctuaries, 6
Sanhedrin, 114, n8f., 124^, 134^,

176
Sanhedrin, convened by Napoleon,

285 f.

Sarah, Abraham's wife, 8
Sarah, Sabbatai Zebi's wife, 242, 244
Satan, 52, 72 f., 174
Saul, King, 28 f .
{Schechter, Solomon, Conservative

leader, 304, 327

Schleiermacher, German philoso-
pher, 277
Schulman, Samuel, Reform leader,

quoted, 316
Scribes, Pharisaic teachers, 58, 60,

66, 83 if., 103 f., no, 112, 119, 127,

250

Scriptures, Holy, see Bible
Scripturists, 184

Scythians, 45

Sedarim Midrashim, 162

Seers, 26 ff., 32

Seesen, Germany, 292 f.

Sefer Hasidim, 221

Sefer ha-Hinnuk, 253

Sefer ha-Mizivot, 182, 187

Sefer Yezira, 221

Seleucus, general, 76

Seleucus, IV, Syrian ruler, 85

Seljuks, 194

Semites, 5 if., 171

Sephardim, 195, 226, 238, 325

Sepphoris, Galilee, 146

Septuagmt, 77 f., 93 f., 129, 145, 185,

191

Shakna, Shalom, 238
Shammai, Tanna, 105, 115, 135, 151;

School of, 1 35 rT.
Shaphan, 42
Shas, 170
Shechem, 106
Shemaiah, one of "The Pairs,"

114

Shemoneh-esreh, 103, i37f.
Sherira, Gaon, 194
Shneor Zalman, leader in modern

Hasidism, 267 f .
Shulhan Aruk, 237 ff., 247 f., 263,

296, 325
Sibylline Oracles, Book of, in Pseu-

depigrapha, 94, 129
Sidra, 138, 162
Sifra, 153
Sifre, 153
Silver, Abba Hillel, Reform leader,

quoted, 316
Simeon, tribe of, 7
Simeon, the Righteous, 104
Simeon ben Gamaliel, Patriarch,

146

Simeon ben Shetah, no
Simon, Hellenist priest, 85
Simon, Maccabee ruler, 91, 105
Sin, 143, 186, 229, 250, 259 f., 331,

and see Evil

Sinai (Horeb), Mount, 15
Smith, W. Robertson, quoted, 6
Smyrna, 241 f.
Social Justice, 253 f., 303, 315, 318,

329

INDEX

357

Sokolow, Nahum, Zionist leader,

3H

Solomon, King, 29 ff., 71, 81 f.

Solomon, Psalms of, in Pseudepig-
rapha, 94

Solomon, Wisdom of, in Apocry-
pha, 93

Solomon ben Abraham, 217

Song of Songs, Book of, 71, 92, 163

Song of Three Children, in Apoc-
rypha, 93

Spain, Jews in, 193, 195 ff., 202 ff.,
222 f., 230 f., 269, 325

Spinoza, Baruch, philosopher, 234 ff.,
263, 272 f.

Stein, Leopold, Reform leader, 300

Stoics, philosophers, 131 f.

Suffering, undeserved, 43 f ., 49 ff .,
72 ff., 80 f., 83, 99 f., 325, 331

Sunday, observance of, 183, 297

Sura, Babylonia, 156, 164^., 175 f.,
189 f., 193, 195, 197

Surenhuis, Willem, 270

Susanna, Book of, in Apocrypha,

94

Switzerland, Jewish emancipation
in, 290

Synagogue, 112, 123, i28f., 134, 143,
153, 261, 266, 292, 321 f., 324, 332;
origin of, 48, 57, 78 f.; Service in,
137 f., 153, 162 ff., 168, 178 f., 183,
195, 293 f., 304

Synagogue, Great, see Great Syna-
gogue

Syria, ancient, 35; under Seleucids,
76 f., 84 ff., oo ff., 109 f., 171

Szold, Benjamin, Conservative leader,
304

Tabernacles, Festival, origin of, 25;
Ezra read the Law on, 59; stressed
in Priestly Code, 63; riot against
Alexander Jannaeus on, 109; two-
day observance, 136; dogmatized,
228; central in Rabbinic Judaism,
260

Taboo, 7 f ., 1 2, 25

Takkanot, 198, 253

Talmud, development of Palestin-
ian, i56ff., 161 f.; development of
Babylonian, 1641!.; relation of

Palestinian to Babylonian, i69f.,
194, 216; basis of Rabbinic Juda-
ism, 177, 179 f., 187 f., 197, 219 f.,
225, 247, 262 f., 305; study of,
197 ff., 202, 204 f., 217; commen-
taries on, 169, 177, 194, 200 ff., 214,
270; revolt against, iSoff., 23 iff.,
248, 296 f., 299 f.; opinion regard-
ing Pharisees, 108

Tarn, Rabbenu Jacob, 201

Tanhuma bar Abba, Palestinian
Amora, 163

Tanhuma Midrashim, 163

Tannaim, contributors to the Mish-
nah, 84, 115, 135, 150, 157

Tar gum Onkelos, 145

Tarphon, Tanna, 140

Teleology, 101

Teller, Protestant clergyman, 276

Temple, First, 30 f., 41 ff., 45 ff., 67;
destruction of, 46 f., 52, 155, 170;

Temple, Second, 53 f., 56, 58 f., 62,
66 ff., 76, 78, 86, ii3f., 1 1 8, i24f.,
iz8f., 133, 137; rcdedication of,
by Judah Maccabee, 87; destruc-
tion of, 84, 120, 133 ff., 140 f., 143,
170, 183, 250, 288, 314; restoration
of, promised by Emperor Julian,
1 60

Teraphim, 25, 30

Tetrarch, 113, 118

Theodosius I, Roman ruler, 160

Theodosius II, 161

Therapeutac, 1 29 f .

Tiberias, Palestine, 146, 158 f., 178 f.

Titkin, Rabbi in Breslau, 297

Titus, Roman ruler, 134, 145, 155

Tobit, Book of, in Apocrypha, 93

Toledo, Spain, 210, 225

Torah, definition of, 18, 61; see
Written Law

Tosafot, 202, 226, 238

Tosefta, supplements to Mishnah,

152, 157
Totemism, 7 f .
Transmigration, 183, 233, 240
Tribes, participating in exodus from

Egypt, 13, 22
Trinity, primitive, 25; Christian,

172, 190, 245 f.; of Nehemiah Hay-

yun, 245

358

THUS RELIGION GROWS

Troyes, France, 200

Turkey, Jews in, 193, 245, 269

Twelve Patriarchs, Testament of,

in Pseudepigrapha, 94
Tyre, Phoenicia, 85

Union of American Hebrew Con-
gregations, 301 ff.

Union of Orthodox Jewish Congre-
gations, 327

United States, Jews in, 230, 281 f.,
300, 305, 326

United Synagogue of America, 304

Universalism, in Judaism, 53, 57 f.,
67, 130, 143 f., 283, 285 f., 297, 303,

329

Uriel da Costa, of Amsterdam, 232 f.
Usha, Galilee, 141, 146

Venice, 237

Verona, 220

Vespasian, Roman ruler, 134

Vienna, 277, 297

Visigoths, 195

Vital, Hayyim, mystic, 241

Vulgate, 94

Waraka, 172

Wedding ritual, 141 f.

Weizmann, Chaim, Zionist leader,

3H

Whitehead, A. N., 330
Wilhelmsschule, Breslau, 292
Wilna, 267 f.
Wisdom Literature, in Bible, 66,

71 ff., 79 ff., 82 ff.; in apocryphal

literature, 93 f.
Wise, Isaac Mayer, Reform leader,

301

Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 294 f.

Wolf, Johann C., 270

Wolffsohn, David, Zionist leader,

3U
World Union for Progressive Juda-

ism, 306
World War, Jews in, 290

Yahweh, nature of, i5f.; Mountain
of, i5ff.; demonstrates power, 23;
covenant with, 156*., 21, 31; and
Baal, 27; versus Baal, 7, 10, 27 ff.

Yahwists, 30 ff.

Yannai, Payyetan, 179

Yathrib, Arabia, 171, 173

Yehudai, Gaon, 180

Yemen, Arabia, 171

Yeshivah College of America, 327

Yezdegird II, 168

Yiddish, 272

Yigdal, 215

Yudghan, sectarian, 181, 183

Zaddik, 266 ff.

Zadokite priesthood, 47, 63, 108

Zadokite Work, Fragments of, in

Pseudepigrapha, 94
Zangwill, Israel, of England, 312
Zealots, Pharisaic group of, 119, 121,

"4i '33

Zechariah, prophet, 54 f.
Zephaniah, prophet, 41 f.
Zerubbabel, 53 f.
Zionism,

Zionist Congress, 3 1 1 f .
Zionist Organization, 322
Zohar, 147, 2235., 240 f.
Zoroastrianism, 54 ff., 180, 247
Zunz, Leopold, 295, 298, 304

129 19'